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This study aims at showing the effect of Al-Sunah and roles of building of the individual Muslim personality through Selecting pragmatic samples from the true Sunah by giving some examples which show the supreme care that Al-Sunah takes of all sides of human life such as the economic, physical, spiritual and mental sides since the Muslim personality represents the main part of the whole society.The study results show that Al-Sunah is full of the active and renascent supports, principles and standards which precede any modern researches or theories. All this make returning to Al-Sunah a main demand but without denying any useful researches or theories which don't go against any restriction of the Islamic legislation.

Im aktuellen Diskurs um den Islam in Europa wird häufig übersehen, mit welcher Vielstimmigkeit sich die Muslime zu Integrationsfragen zu Wort melden. Sie agieren in unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Kontexten und bieten ihren Glaubensangehörigen verschiedene Interpretationen ihrer religiösen Quellen an. Gerade diese Meinungsvielfalt enthält Integrationspotentiale und Ansatzpunkte zur Kooperation, auch bei kontroversen Themen wie dem Tragen von Kopftuch und Schleier. Zwar bezeichnen einige mulimische Dachverbände und ihre konservativen Imame diese Kleiderordnung als religiöse Pflicht. Dagegen stehen jedoch Stimmen anderer muslimischer Theologen oder Glaubensrichtungen wie die der Aleviten, die Frauen keine Bekleidungsvorschriften machen und das Neutralitätsgebot öffentlicher Einrichtungen akzeptieren.Beim Bau neuer Moscheen und islamischer Zentren erweist sich der Einfluss ausländischer Geldgeber als Ursache verschiedener Probleme. Es mangelt nicht nur an Transparenz, sondern auch an integrationspolitischen Zielen. Bei einigen Großprojekten stehen Geschäftszentren mit Banken, Reisebüros und Hotelbetrieben im Vordergrund, während Gebetsstätten eher ein zusätzliches Angebot darstellen.Die Selbstverwaltung der Muslime in Europa müsste vor fremder Einflussnahme besser geschützt werden. Hierzu gehört sowohl eine unabhängige Finanzierung ihrer Vereine als auch eine kritische Prüfung ihres Status als Religionsgemeinschaften. Zudem sollten mehr Bürger muslimischer Identität in den politischen Parteien mitwirken können. Hierbei haben Länder wie Großbritannien, Frankreich und Bulgarien wichtige Erfahrungen gesammelt

In October – November 2008, Concept, in collaboration with Queen Margaret University and Moray House School of Education, and with funding from the Centre for Sociology, Anthropology and Politics, organised a series of 'critical 'race' dialogue' workshops. 2008 was also the 402008 was also the 40th anniversary of the death of Martin Luther King, and one debate emerged about whether his methods could be appropriately adopted by those tackling Islamophobia. Nahid Aslam, a Scottish Muslim active in a range of anti-racist, anti-Islamophobic and other social justice campaigns reflects on some of her research which was inspired by these discussions, and suggests that there is a wealth of resources for non-violent resistance within Islam, albeit not well known to Muslims

AbstractIn this article I will analyse the social aspects of Said Nursi's thought in the context of late Ottoman and modern Turkish intellectual history within the boundaries of social philosophy and theology. I aim to discuss the outcome of Nursi's work in formulating a live discourse that corresponds to the needs of modern Muslim society in Turkey and around the world. Nursi's life and thought comprises interesting evidences to comprehend the transition of Muslims in the traumatic period of the two World Wars in the twentieth century and their resistance to the challenges of a new 'weltanschauung' and various philosophical ideas, as well as a new political design that tried to reshape society by pursuing a hard-line modernisation process.

Abused wives who left their abusive relationships help us to understand the factors that enabled them to decide on leaving. This article reports the decision-making phase (as part of a larger study) through the experiences of two ethnic Chinese, one Indian Muslim, and five Malay Muslim women in Singapore. Using an ecological perspective, the study found the urgency of their abusive situation and a change in awareness regarding the impact of the abuse on their children and themselves were the main factors influencing the decision to leave. Feedback from external support networks and religious beliefs contributed to the cognitive shift that a negative person–environment fit existed. Implications of these findings for social work practice and social policy are discussed.

To understand the Islam in South Borneo through politics and government aspect must be started from the beginning of Banjar Kingdom as the first islamic kingdom in South Borneo. The Banjar kingdom found by Raden Samudera titled Sultan Suriansyah in the couple of 1525 M. The leader of Banjar Kingdom put Islam as the state official religion. In 1860 M, the Banjar kingdom was dismissed by the collonial dutch government. Since that time, the muslim people in south Borneo had no rule in politic and government. When Indonesia declared his independence and did the general election in 1955s, the political aspiration of muslim people given to Nadhatul Ulama and Masyumi while the next general election (1971-1997), the votes of Islamic party decreased slowly.

Some recent accounts have sought to present Mizrahim —Jews whose origins are in Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa rather than in eastern and central Europe — as fellow victims of the Zionist project, along with Palestinian Arabs. On this view, Zionism is an essentially Ashkenazi (European Jewish) project. Here, a more complex account of Mizrahi identity in Israel is presented, showing how Jewish immigrants from Muslim countries, despite being regarded as culturally inferior and treated as colonisation fodder by the Zionist leadership, were nevertheless successfully co-opted to the Zionist project. The Mizrahim continue to face socio-economic disadvantages in Israel but these are predominantly a reflection of class barriers and are fundamentally distinct from the national oppression of Arabs.

At a roundtable discussion held in Paris in May 2007, French activists and academics examined the dangers of the current `integration' discourse. In the extracts from the discussion published here, it is argued that a chauvinist consensus on national identity exists across the political spectrum in France. Bound up with this consensus is a set of deeply held prejudices against Muslims and `immigrant' communities. These have led to new restrictions on access to citizenship, and even residence rights, which have been implemented in the name of a notion of `integration' that is never precisely defined. Moreover, the institutions which have been established in France to represent Muslims or tackle discrimination have not been given effective powers and are aimed more at preserving the status quo.

The politicisation of Islam can be traced back to the establishment of the Muslim Brothers' Society in Egypt in the late 1920s. Its founder, Hasan al-Banna, was greatly influenced by the European political religions that appeared in the first decades of the twentieth century, and there were significant similarities between the Society's organisation and that of fascist parties. In addition, al-Banna embraced totalitarianism and developed the notion of Islam as a 'comprehensive' system. Finally, his worldview shows striking parallelisms with that of the totalitarian ideologues, with its depiction of history as a process of decline from a mythical past, and of the Muslim Brothers as the saviours who will lead the nation back to the lost utopia. Adapted from the source document.

Under Ottoman rule, the relations between native Arabs and Jews in Palestine were based on understanding and respect, as was the case between Muslims and Christians. Shared enrolment of Jewish, Muslim, and Christian students in the same schools—either the Jewish Alliance Israelite schools (established in 1882) or in the nizamiyya, the Ottoman public schools first established by the Turkish law of 1869—promoted mutual understanding for a small elite. In contrast, the British Mandate policy in education played a major role in reshaping national, regional, and class and gender identities. It was through education that two separate national entities were developed, the urban/rural division was deepened, class boundaries were rendered unbridgable, and gender identities were molded to suit the British model.

Perjumpaan antara dunia Muslim dan peradaban sejak abad ke-19 M membawa implikasi berupa ketersisihan hukum Islâm (syarî'ah) dari posisi sentralnya. Ketika dunia Muslim secara politis terlepas dari hegemoni Barat, persoalan yang muncul adalah bagaimana menformulasikan syarî'ah agar kompatibel dengan standar HAM universal. Dalam konteks inilah, An-Na'im menawarkan gagasan evolusi syarî'ah, sebuah upaya untuk merekonsiliasi ketegangan antara syarî'ah dan HAM universal. Dalam proyek ini, An-Na'im mula-mula membedakan secara kategoris antara syarî'ah historis (Madânîyah) dan syarî'ah moderen(Makkîyah). Menurutnya, syarî'ah historis sudah tidak relevan lagi untuk menjawab berbagai persoalan kontemporer. Karenanya, melalui teori naskh, ia harus ditangguhkan pemberlakuannya dan diganti dengan syarî'ah moderen yang dinilai dapat memenuhi kebutuhan kontemporer sesuai dengan standar HAM universal.

Perjumpaan antara dunia Muslim dan peradaban sejak abad ke-19 M membawa implikasi berupa ketersisihan hukum Islâm (syarî'ah) dari posisi sentralnya. Ketika dunia Muslim secara politis terlepas dari hegemoni Barat, persoalan yang muncul adalah bagaimana menformulasikan syarî'ah agar kompatibel dengan standar HAM universal. Dalam konteks inilah, An-Na'im menawarkan gagasan evolusi syarî'ah, sebuah upaya untuk merekonsiliasi ketegangan antara syarî'ah dan HAM universal. Dalam proyek ini, An-Na'im mula-mula membedakan secara kategoris antara syarî'ah historis (Madânîyah) dan syarî'ah moderen(Makkîyah). Menurutnya, syarî'ah historis sudah tidak relevan lagi untuk menjawab berbagai persoalan kontemporer. Karenanya, melalui teori naskh, ia harus ditangguhkan pemberlakuannya dan diganti dengan syarî'ah moderen yang dinilai dapat memenuhi kebutuhan kontemporer sesuai dengan standar HAM universal.

Following the 9/11 attacks in the US, thousands of Muslim, South Asian and Middle Eastern men were detained by the FBI, police and immigration officers and held in various prisons in New York and New Jersey. The effect of these detentions on individuals, their families and the wider community is here documented. The purpose of this incarceration, which often endured for months without charges being brought, was not to ensure greater security, but to carry out surveillance on and intimidate what had been designated, via an official and popular discourse of anti-Muslim racism, a 'suspect community'. While postmodern anthropology may consider human rights part of an 'outmoded' discourse, the experience of these detainees proves its continued relevance.

Although over eighty percent of the country is Muslim, Indonesia is marked by an extraordinary diversity in language, ancestry, culture, religion and ways of life. This book focuses on the Christian Dani of West Papua, providing a social and ethnographic history of the most important indigenous population in the troubled province. It presents a fascinating overview of the Dani's conversion to Christianity, examining the social, religious and political uses to which they have put their new religion. Based on independent research carried out over many years among the Dani people, the book provides an abundance of new material on religious and political events in West Papua. Underlining the heart of Christian-Muslim rivalries, the book questions the fate of religion in late-modern times.

Since the occupation of East Jerusalem and the West Bank by Israel in 1967 radical Judaism has developed into a major force, with a considerable influence on the attitudes and votes of many Israelis. The new messianic fervour centres on the building of the Temple on the site of the Muslim shrines in Jerusalem. This article explores the rise of a variety of Jewish fundamentalism in Israel and its implications for community, nationalist and interfaith relations in the Holy Land. It examines, in particular, the social and political conditions under which these fundamentalist attitudes have evolved. It explores evolving attitudes towards the 'sacred geography' of Jerusalem and rights of occupancy, within the wider context of multifaith relations and comparative (Jewish, Muslim and Christian) perspectives.