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The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d'état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland's failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries. ; The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d'état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland's failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.

The aim of this paper is to make an overarching evaluation by looking at historical policy of the Party of Democratic Action (Stranka demokratske akcije, SDA) in Bosnia and Herzegowina at the turn of the 20th and 21st century and trying to (analytically) examine the main directions of this policy. Therefore paper will try to focus on the major historical figures and trying to analytically to indicate the reasons of the revival the Ottoman traditions in the public life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Considering this issue I wonder what events and historical figures were promoted and which were censored by Bosnian politicians. What role in Bosnian historical politics was played by Srebrenica and the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. The results of these studies indicate that it was primarily the conflict in Yugoslavia that contributed to the revival of Ottoman traditions among Bosnian Muslims. Only after the war did the historical policy gain institutional support and help the ruling party mobilize the electorate. Since then, the pillar of historical policy has become the martyrdom of the nation, the Ottoman past as well as the cult of the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. Also, the authorities aimed to convince the inhabitants of Bosnia that in their lives the period of communist Yugoslavia brought many negative consequences. This pejorative image was supported in the mass media and education.

The paper shows some aspects of 'border identity' of the two Spanish cities-exclaves: Ceuta and Melilla. It analyses the multicultural dimensions of coexistence between Muslim (Moroccan) and Spanish populations. The article refers to some political, social and economic challenges: Moroccan revindication policy, growing number of Muslim communities, illegal migration, the phenomenon of violent radicalization inspired by the jihadi ideology etc. In this context, the paper focuses on the most important elements of 'the border identity' which are crucial to further the understanding of social problems in these cities. The methodological
analysis is based on the integration of historical and system methods as well as scientific research and investigation conducted in Spain. Regarding some integration and inclusion efforts there are still unsolved social and economic problems that may have infl uence on the coexistence of different ethnocultural communities in the future.

This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.

Reformatory ideas of Khayr ad-Din at-Tunusi and Rifa at-Tahtawi inscribed into an interesting discussion which has been going on in the Arabic and Muslim world since the beginning of the 19th century; the discussion which centred around very important matters concerning the political system, social and political reforms, comparison of the representative system and democracy with their antithesis: despotism, and also around the search for the ways out of stagnation and backwardness, which essentially included the reform of the educational system – which idea was emphasised by all thinkers. Their objective was to find the answer to the basic question pervading the representatives of the Muslim world: the question about the reason of its fall and backwardness, and the basis of European supremacy considering the role of the oppressive governments, anachronistic state structures, lack of modern school system and other issues, but most of all – crystallisation of the ideas and notions concerning the relationship between tradition and modernity, modern state, social and political system. Hence the contemplation of settling the relationship with the West, the character of this relationship and the idea of complete or partial acceptance of the European models of government. ; Myśl reformatorska Chajr ad-Dina at-Tunusiego i Rifa'y at-Tahtawiego wpisała się w ciekawy dyskurs, który toczy się w świecie arabsko-muzułmańskim od zarania XIX wieku, dyskurs wokół niezwykle ważnych zagadnień ustrojowych, reform polityczno-społecznych, porównania systemu przedstawicielskiego, demokracji, z jego przeciwieństwem, despotyzmem, a także wokół poszukiwania dróg wyjścia ze stagnacji i zacofania, którego niezbędnym elementem była podkreślana przez wszystkich myślicieli reforma systemu edukacyjnego. Ich celem było udzielenie odpowiedzi na nurtujące przedstawicieli tego świata podstawowe pytanie o przyczynę jego upadku i zacofania oraz podstawy europejskiej supremacji, z uwzględnieniem roli despotycznych rządów, anachronicznych struktur społecznych, braku nowoczesnego systemu szkolnictwa i innych zagadnień, ale przede wszystkim – skrystalizowanie idei i wyobrażeń dotyczących relacji pomiędzy tradycją a nowoczesnością, współczesnym systemem państwowym, społecznym i politycznym. Stąd rozważania wokół ułożenia stosunków z Zachodem i charakteru tych relacji, przyjęcia całkowicie lub częściowo europejskich wzorców rządzenia.

Myśl reformatorska Chajr ad-Dina at-Tunusiego i Rifa'y at-Tahtawiego wpisała się w ciekawy dyskurs, który toczy się w świecie arabsko-muzułmańskim od zarania XIX wieku, dyskurs wokół niezwykle ważnych zagadnień ustrojowych, reform polityczno-społecznych, porównania systemu przedstawicielskiego, demokracji, z jego przeciwieństwem, despotyzmem, a także wokół poszukiwania dróg wyjścia ze stagnacji i zacofania, którego niezbędnym elementem była podkreślana przez wszystkich myślicieli reforma systemu edukacyjnego. Ich celem było udzielenie odpowiedzi na nurtujące przedstawicieli tego świata podstawowe pytanie o przyczynę jego upadku i zacofania oraz podstawy europejskiej supremacji, z uwzględnieniem roli despotycznych rządów, anachronicznych struktur społecznych, braku nowoczesnego systemu szkolnictwa i innych zagadnień, ale przede wszystkim – skrystalizowanie idei i wyobrażeń dotyczących relacji pomiędzy tradycją a nowoczesnością, współczesnym systemem państwowym, społecznym i politycznym. Stąd rozważania wokół ułożenia stosunków z Zachodem i charakteru tych relacji, przyjęcia całkowicie lub częściowo europejskich wzorców rządzenia. ; Reformatory ideas of Khayr ad-Din at-Tunusi and Rifa at-Tahtawi inscribed into an interesting discussion which has been going on in the Arabic and Muslim world since the beginning of the 19th century; the discussion which centred around very important matters concerning the political system, social and political reforms, comparison of the representative system and democracy with their antithesis: despotism, and also around the search for the ways out of stagnation and backwardness, which essentially included the reform of the educational system – which idea was emphasised by all thinkers. Their objective was to find the answer to the basic question pervading the representatives of the Muslim world: the question about the reason of its fall and backwardness, and the basis of European supremacy considering the role of the oppressive governments, anachronistic state structures, lack of modern school system and other issues, but most of all – crystallisation of the ideas and notions concerning the relationship between tradition and modernity, modern state, social and political system. Hence the contemplation of settling the relationship with the West, the character of this relationship and the idea of complete or partial acceptance of the European models of government.

Myśl reformatorska Chajr ad-Dina at-Tunusiego i Rifa'y at-Tahtawiego wpisała się w ciekawy dyskurs, który toczy się w świecie arabsko-muzułmańskim od zarania XIX wieku, dyskurs wokół niezwykle ważnych zagadnień ustrojowych, reform polityczno-społecznych, porównania systemu przedstawicielskiego, demokracji, z jego przeciwieństwem, despotyzmem, a także wokół poszukiwania dróg wyjścia ze stagnacji i zacofania, którego niezbędnym elementem była podkreślana przez wszystkich myślicieli reforma systemu edukacyjnego. Ich celem było udzielenie odpowiedzi na nurtujące przedstawicieli tego świata podstawowe pytanie o przyczynę jego upadku i zacofania oraz podstawy europejskiej supremacji, z uwzględnieniem roli despotycznych rządów, anachronicznych struktur społecznych, braku nowoczesnego systemu szkolnictwa i innych zagadnień, ale przede wszystkim – skrystalizowanie idei i wyobrażeń dotyczących relacji pomiędzy tradycją a nowoczesnością, współczesnym systemem państwowym, społecznym i politycznym. Stąd rozważania wokół ułożenia stosunków z Zachodem i charakteru tych relacji, przyjęcia całkowicie lub częściowo europejskich wzorców rządzenia. ; Reformatory ideas of Khayr ad-Din at-Tunusi and Rifa at-Tahtawi inscribed into an interesting discussion which has been going on in the Arabic and Muslim world since the beginning of the 19th century; the discussion which centred around very important matters concerning the political system, social and political reforms, comparison of the representative system and democracy with their antithesis: despotism, and also around the search for the ways out of stagnation and backwardness, which essentially included the reform of the educational system – which idea was emphasised by all thinkers. Their objective was to find the answer to the basic question pervading the representatives of the Muslim world: the question about the reason of its fall and backwardness, and the basis of European supremacy considering the role of the oppressive governments, anachronistic state structures, lack of modern school system and other issues, but most of all – crystallisation of the ideas and notions concerning the relationship between tradition and modernity, modern state, social and political system. Hence the contemplation of settling the relationship with the West, the character of this relationship and the idea of complete or partial acceptance of the European models of government.

When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.

An American model of peace in the Middle East, which evolved from Kissinger's 'little steps' to the separatist agreements of Camp David, was to serve the purpose of regulating the Arab-Israeli conflict and strengthening Washington's influence. In the address delivered on January 23, 1980 (that provided the foundation for the so called 'J. Carter doctrine') the US President said that every "attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America" and thus it "will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force". The abandonment of the Nasserian tradition did not help A. Sadat to win supporters in internal matters. The protest of Nasserists and the Association of Muslim Brothers against the reconciliation with Israel resulted in a tragic attack against the Egyptian president. A. Sadat's death on October 6, 1981 was a blow for the advocates of the peace process. Whether to continue the separatist policy towards Israel or not was up to the will of the new political authorities in Egypt. ; An American model of peace in the Middle East, which evolved from Kissinger's 'little steps' to the separatist agreements of Camp David, was to serve the purpose of regulating the Arab-Israeli conflict and strengthening Washington's influence. In the address delivered on January 23, 1980 (that provided the foundation for the so called 'J. Carter doctrine') the US President said that every "attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America" and thus it "will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force". The abandonment of the Nasserian tradition did not help A. Sadat to win supporters in internal matters. The protest of Nasserists and the Association of Muslim Brothers against the reconciliation with Israel resulted in a tragic attack against the Egyptian president. A. Sadat's death on October 6, 1981 was a blow for the advocates of the peace process. Whether to continue the separatist policy towards Israel or not was up to the will of the new political authorities in Egypt.

This article addresses relations between Europe and the countries of the Middle East and the implications of these relationships over the past two decades, through an examination of the events of the 'Arab Spring.' The Arab Spring refers to a chain of events that swept through the Arab countries from late 2010, characterized by demonstrations, violence, and civil war. This was sparked by resistance to tyrannical regimes and led to the fall of the rulers of Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya. However, Islamists were able to utilize the protesters, who sought democracy, an equal economy, and the elimination of governmental corruption, to further their ambitions. At that time, it was not clear what the new regimes would look like, but it was widely expected that Islamist elements would gain power. Europe responded positively to these events, in terms of declarations, policy, and physical involvement, from the fear that Islamist forces would take advantage of the outcomes of the protests, despite the fact that, for decades, there had been collaboration and friendly relations between Western nations and many of the overthrown tyrants. This policy of turning a blind eye to the lack of democracy and human rights violations in these countries, however, had been perceived by many as contrary to European values. On May 25, 2011, the European Union published a document admitting their failure to achieve political reforms in the neighboring Arab countries. Following the events of the Arab Spring, a new approach to strengthening the partnership between Europe and the Arab world was needed. The objectives of European policy towards the Muslim world include halting massive Muslim migration, reducing the influence of fundamentalist and radical Islam in the Middle East and among Muslims in Europe, and ensuring a supply of energy resources obtained from these countries. Meeting these challenges will be a significant step in the right direction. ; Artykuł omawia stosunki między Europą i krajami Bliskiego Wschodu oraz konsekwencje tych relacji w ciągu ostatnich dwóch dekad, poprzez analizę "arabskiej wiosny". Określenie "arabska wiosna" odnosi się do serii wydarzeń obejmujących demonstracje, przemoc i wojnę domową, które przetoczyły się przez kraje arabskie od końca 2010 r. Wywołane przez siły oporu wobec autorytarnych reżimów doprowadziły do upadku przywódców Egiptu, Tunezji i Libii. Protesty zwolenników demokracji, zrównoważonej gospodarki i likwidacji korupcji rządowej udało się jednak wykorzystać do swoich celów islamistom. Wprawdzie nie było wówczas jasne, jakie nowe reżimy przejmą władzę, ale powszechnie oczekiwano, że będą to siły islamistyczne. W kategoriach deklaracji, polityki i zaangażowania fizycznego Europa zareagowała na wydarzenia arabskiej wiosny pozytywnie w obawie, że wyniki protestów mogą zostać wykorzystane przez siły islamistyczne, mimo że przez dziesięciolecia państwa Zachodu łączyła z wieloma obalonymi tyranami współpraca i przyjazne stosunki. Polityka przymykania oka na brak demokracji i łamanie praw człowieka w tych krajach była jednak często postrzegana jako sprzeczna z wartościami europejskimi. W dniu 25 maja 2011 r. Unia Europejska opublikowała dokument przyznający, że nie udało jej się przeprowadzić reform politycznych w sąsiednich krajach arabskich. Po wydarzeniach arabskiej wiosny konieczne było wypracowanie nowego podejścia do wzmocnienia partnerstwa między Europą a światem arabskim. Cele europejskiej polityki wobec świata muzułmańskiego obejmują powstrzymanie masowej migracji muzułmańskiej, zmniejszenie wpływu fundamentalistycznego i radykalnego islamu na Bliskim Wschodzie, a także wśród muzułmanów w Europie, oraz zapewnienie dostaw surowców energetycznych z tych krajów. Sprostanie tym wyzwaniom będzie znaczącym krokiem we właściwym kierunku.