Within anthropological research, there has been a long process of interaction and transformation between the modern and dichotomized notion of nature and hybrid notions of quasi-objects and quasi-humans. This has transformed the conception of nature as an apolitical entity to that of a cultural construct with political implications. This is a theoretical review of the implied transformations within anthropological categories and research in relation to nature, ecology and environment. Two tendencies are noted. The first is related to rethinking the conception of a nature/culture duality in the light of local knowledge, and the second is related to the contributions of political ecology and the role of various social actors within the environmental discourses. Finally there is a presentation of the perspectives in anthropological research in relation to nature, ecology and environment in Colombia and Latin America. ; En las investigaciones antropológicas ha habido un largo proceso de transformación e interacción de la noción moderna de la naturaleza con nociones híbridas de cuasi-objetos y cuasi-humanos, así como la transformación de las concepciones de la naturaleza de una entidad apolítica a construcciones sociales con implicaciones políticas. Para analizar estos procesos, este texto presenta una revisión teórica de los cambios que se han dado en las categorías e investigaciones antropológicas sobre naturaleza, ecología y medio ambiente. Se destacan dos tendencias: la primera, ligada al replanteamiento de la dicotomía naturaleza/cultura a la luz de los conocimientos locales. La segunda, relacionada con los aportes de la ecología política, enfatizando el papel de los diferentes actores dentro de los discursos ambientales. Finalmente, se contextualizan las perspectivas de investigación sobre naturaleza, ecología y medio ambiente en América latina y en Colombia.
This article argues that the model of urban ecology, as was formulated by Burgess, and McKenzie Park, comes from a uniquely local political context, in a city that had been the site of years of intense political agitation for reform. It shows how the specific model development will, in turn, used to intervene in this kind of "social laboratory of the nation ", to the extent that its principles will help identify priorities and dynamics of public policy Chicago in the decades following its publication. ; Este artículo sostiene que el modelo de la ecología urbana, tal y como fuera formulado por Burgess, Park y McKenzie, surge de un contexto político específicamente local, en una ciudad que había sido el lugar de años de intensa agitación política de reforma. Se muestra cómo el específico desarrollo del modelo será, a su vez, utilizado para intervenir en esa suerte de "laboratorio social de la nación", en la medida en que sus postulados van a contribuir a determinar las prioridades y dinámicas de la política pública de Chicago en las décadas siguientes a su publicación.
The environmental crisis that began during the Industrial Revolution and that has worsened since the last 50 years of the XX Century, has produced deep changes in the Planet. It has being proposed that we are facing a new geological era: the Anthropocene. The extraction of natural resources and the mobilization of materials and energy is the result of a predatory economy of the industrialized countries to their ancient colonies. In this context, the human right to a healthy environment and free from pollution is not enough, nor is the concept of sustainable development. In that sense, the Constitution of Ecuador made a radical change, when it recognizes rights to nature and makes the Sumak Kawsay the road that we must transit to improve our relationship with our environment. This implies that economic activities must respect the right of the maintenance and regeneration of the vital cycles, structure, functions and evolutionary processes of nature. ; La crisis ambiental indicada durante la Revolución Industrial y agudizada a partir del último quinquenio del siglo XX, ha producido cambios tan profundos en el planeta; lo que la levaría a enfrentar una nueva era geológica: el Antropoceno. La extracción de recursos naturales y la movilización de materiales y energía ha respondido a una economía de rapiña por parte de los países industrializados hacia sus excolonias. Por tal motivo, el derecho humano a un medio ambiente sano y libre de contaminación ya no es suficiente, como tampoco lo es el concepto de desarrollo sustentable. En ese sentido, la Constitución del Ecuador hace una propuesta radical cuando reconoce derechos a la naturaleza y establece que es el Sumak Kawsay el camino por donde debemos transitar para mejorar la relación con nuestro medio. Esto implica que las actividades económicas deben respetar el derecho al mantenimiento y regeneración de los ciclos vitales, estructura, funciones y procesos evolutivos de la naturaleza.
The environmental crisis that began during the Industrial Revolution and that has worsened since the last 50 years of the XX Century, has produced deep changes in the Planet. It has being proposed that we are facing a new geological era: the Anthropocene. The extraction of natural resources and the mobilization of materials and energy is the result of a predatory economy of the industrialized countries to their ancient colonies. In this context, the human right to a healthy environment and free from pollution is not enough, nor is the concept of sustainable development. In that sense, the Constitution of Ecuador made a radical change, when it recognizes rights to nature and makes the Sumak Kawsay the road that we must transit to improve our relationship with our environment. This implies that economic activities must respect the right of the maintenance and regeneration of the vital cycles, structure, functions and evolutionary processes of nature. ; La crisis ambiental indicada durante la Revolución Industrial y agudizada a partir del último quinquenio del siglo XX, ha producido cambios tan profundos en el planeta; lo que la levaría a enfrentar una nueva era geológica: el Antropoceno. La extracción de recursos naturales y la movilización de materiales y energía ha respondido a una economía de rapiña por parte de los países industrializados hacia sus excolonias. Por tal motivo, el derecho humano a un medio ambiente sano y libre de contaminación ya no es suficiente, como tampoco lo es el concepto de desarrollo sustentable. En ese sentido, la Constitución del Ecuador hace una propuesta radical cuando reconoce derechos a la naturaleza y establece que es el Sumak Kawsay el camino por donde debemos transitar para mejorar la relación con nuestro medio. Esto implica que las actividades económicas deben respetar el derecho al mantenimiento y regeneración de los ciclos vitales, estructura, funciones y procesos evolutivos de la naturaleza.
This article is about some of the policies which have provoked socio environmental conflicts in the Amazon in Caquetá department (Colombia). Therefore, two of the theoretical approaches of political ecology are taken: the first one is neomarxist, which emphasizes in the way that the Caquetá's Amazon has been historically inserted in the commodities global market, including the political economy influence in the frontier deforestation patterns, the development of socio environmental conflicts under the class structure and the process of an unequal ecological distribution within the framework of a stratified geography; and the other approach is poststructuralist, from which the narratives of development and sustainable development evidenced on the development plans of the Caquetá department in the period from 2001 to 2020 are analyzed. Through this way it was possible to confirm the politics frameworks that materializes appropriation's actions of the nature (biophysical and human) by different actors, just like the way in which modern and postmodern capitalization forms of nature coexist in the space-time of this Amazon region. ; Este artículo aborda algunas de las políticas que han desencadenado conflictos de carácter socioambiental en la Amazonía del departamento del Caquetá (Colombia). Para tal efecto se toman dos de los enfoques teóricos de la ecología política: uno neomarxista, que pone énfasis en la forma en que la Amazonía caqueteña se ha insertado históricamente en el mercado global de commodities, incluyendo la influencia político económica sobre los patrones de deforestación de la frontera, el desarrollo de conflictos socioambientales bajo la estructura de clases y la generación de una distribución ecológica desigual en el marco de una geografía estratificada; y otro posestructuralista, a partir del cual se analizan las narrativas del desarrollo y del desarrollo sustentable presentes en los planes de desarrollo del departamento del Caquetá en el periodo del 2001 al 2020. De esta forma fue posible constatar los marcos de políticas que materializan acciones de apropiación de la naturaleza (biofísica y humana) por parte de distintos actores, así como la manera en que las formas modernas y posmodernas de la capitalización de la naturaleza coexisten en el espacio-tiempo de esta región amazónica.
The 2008 financial crisis opened the doors of green capitalism as a financially sound approach to saving the planet from the worst effects of the climate emergency. The emphasis on the role of finance in promoting "green growth" has permeated mainstream political, academic and business approaches to climate change adaptation and mitigation, assuming multiple forms - from the carbon markets of the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement, to the Environmental, Social and Governance taxonomy for "green" investments, to the proliferation of sustainable labels in several economic sectors. The present article offers a critical appraisal of one of the most prominent arguments that upholds the idea that it is possible and desirable to achieve sustainability and economic growth through finance: green bonds. Green bonds are debt instruments whose proceeds are earmarked to fund projects with supposedly environmental benefits. After some years in the background, they now occupy a central position in the green recovery narrative and political framework all over the world. Most of the academic literature tends to naturalize green bonds as an eminently technical solution to reconcile economic growth and environmental sustainability. Filling an epistemological gap, the present article leverages a world-ecology approach to embed the financial phenomenon of green bonds within the broader picture of the capitalist political economy and the expansion of its ecological frontier. In light of the ongoing experiences that the authors have been following in the Brazilian legal, financial and political context, the article unpacks and makes sense of green bonds as a tool in the hands of climate finance that reproduces global patterns of North-South uneven development and the shifting of ecological costs. To test the potential of the "interpretative framework" offered by a world-ecology approach, we mobilize it in the concrete case of green bonds issuances directed to fund the forestry sector in Brazil. Aware that the current phenomenon only represents a blip in comparison to the largeer temporal (the longue dureé) and spatial (the world system) scales usually deployed by world-ecology, we nonetheless discuss how the ideological, technical and power dynamics behind the issuance of green bonds unleash capital accumulation, produce a financialized and subordinated construction of nature, and entail an institutional arrangement. The article is organized around 3 main sections. After the introduction, section 1 describes green bonds as one of the most fashionable financial topics of the moment, and one that promotes a shift in discourses towards the need of actively building a "green economy". Although from a legal standpoint green bonds embody no significant difference from regular bonds, our focus is to describe the promises around them, the current (private) governance structure, and the trends in the issuance of these debt instruments both in the Global North and South, with a specific focus on the case of Brazil. In section 2, we look at the operations of green bonds emissions on the ground, i.e. taking as an example the context of green debt underpinning the Brazilian forestry sector. The analysis reveals how the emissions, made predominantly by large multinational companies actively present on the global market, feed off great efforts deployed by both the public and the private sector in constructing an image of the sector as a key player in the emergent "bioeconomy" and in the strengthening of Brazil's goals in the Paris Agreement. However, we describe how green bond revenues that are officially committed to the implementation of "sustainable management of forests" are associated with the expansion of the ecological frontier in the Brazilian territory, stretching the boundaries of the area dedicated to tree plantations and amplifying social and environmental tensions. The backstage of the emissions shows how capital accumulation through green bonds is associated with the co-production of nature for the purpose of accumulation, generating concerns that are often diluted or transformed into procedural requirements. Debt generated by the subscription of green bonds, we argue, is not only financial, but also social and ecological. In section 3, we put forward that for private accumulation to be successful, green bonds in the forestry sector demand an institutional arrangement that combines state support and private governance of debt in its financial, social and ecological dimensions. Rather than being the result of an idealized and spontaneous market, a set of institutional transformations have to be considered in order to comprehend the feasibility of green bonds in the Brazilian forestry sector. We thus describe the historic connection between forestry and the state, the endless public incentives to put nature to work, the functional adaptations of the Brazilian environmental legislation and the regulation concerning the demarcation, access and use of land. In this context, we argue that green bonds add yet a new institutional layer to the process of creating and validating specific forms of nature, through a governance structure that dilutes the tensions between the promise of environmental benefits and its concrete negative social and environmental impacts. We conclude the article by reassembling these findings as part of the capitalist world ecology "dialectical unity" of capital accumulation, co-production of nature and power. We suggest that the world-ecology approach allows us to grasp green bonds as a complex form that has so far been ignored in the relevant literature. As any other phenomenon of financialization, a green bond should not be understood in isolation from its material basis, since it is from that basis – and its social and environmental conditions and contradictions – that it appropriates value. As the example of the Brazilian forestry sector illuminates, the "greenness" of the financial debt inscribed in green bonds may come into existence at the expense of the social and environmental debt that underlie the forestry sector productive model. Hence, although the explicit inclusion of "environmental concerns" into financial considerations and project implementation has been praised as a step towards the recognition that finance has a material impact on the planet and that these externalities shall be accounted for, the article warns of the typical green arithmetic move put forward by green bonds. Green bonds inevitably co-produce nature and social relations, but in a very unequal way that emphasizes capital accumulation and that does not necessarily protect the environment (even when standards are introduced). Much to the contrary, green bonds may come into being at the expense of other ways of living ecologically, and by restoring injustices of the past and creating a regenerative future - in other words, by creating debt. ; El presente artículo parte de un enfoque de ecología-mundo para develar y dar sentido a los bonos verdes como una herramienta en manos de las finanzas climáticas, que reproduce los patrones globales de desarrollo desigual y acumulación capitalista. A través del estudio de las emisiones de bonos verdes dirigidas a financiar el sector forestal en Brasil, se revisa cómo la dinámica ideológica, técnica y de poder detrás de dichas emisiones desencadena la acumulación de capital, y produce una construcción de la naturaleza financiarizada y subordinada. Actualmente, los bonos verdes son una de las formas más destacadas de la economía verde para intentar conciliar la "sostenibilidad ambiental" con el crecimiento dentro de los parámetros de las finanzas. Como instrumentos de deuda cuyos ingresos van destinados a financiar proyectos con supuestos beneficios ambientales, los bonos verdes ocupan ya una posición central en la narrativa y el marco político de la economía verde. El artículo reseña los bonos verdes, como uno de los temas financieros relevantes del momento, y describe las promesas y tendencias de emisiones de estos bonos, tanto en los países del Norte y del Sur, y específicamente en Brasil. Al observar las emisiones concretas en el sector forestal brasileño, el artículo muestra cómo la acumulación de capital a través de bonos verdes se asocia a coproducir la naturaleza en formas problemáticas, tanto social como ambientalmente, generando deuda no solo financiera, sino esencialmente social y ecológica. Con una combinación de enfoques micro y macro del tema, el artículo explica cómo los bonos verdes en el sector forestal exigen un arreglo institucional que combine el apoyo estatal y la gobernanza privada de la deuda en sus ámbitos financiero, social y ecológico, para que la acumulación se produzca en tales términos. Se sugiere, sin pretensión de universalidad, que el caso de los bonos verdes en el sector forestal en Brasil es un fenómeno financiero y ecológico novedoso, e ilumina el rompecabezas del capitalismo en la trama de la vida y el análisis de las nuevas fronteras de la miseria planificada.
This paper calls for leaving behind the tradition that in Latin America political ecology has only focused its advances and products on three aspects: warning, denunciation and criticism. It is necessary to leave this scenario to be able to generate a theory of power based on the political power of nature, it is the new challenge and need of political ecology, which would be fruitful for the environment and for all the socio-environmental relations that converge in the world, since the capitalist system has been largely responsible for the destruction of the environment. Retaking the idea of generating a theory of power from the perspective of ecology, will lead to a new social pact with nature and replace modern capitalist world political power. ; El presente trabajo hace un llamado a dejar atrás la tradición de que en América Latina la ecología política únicamente ha centrado sus avances y productos en tres aspectos: advertencia, denuncia y crítica. Es necesario dejar este escenario para poder generar una teoría del poder con base en el poder político de la naturaleza, es el nuevo reto y necesidad de la ecología política, que sería fructífero para el ambiente y para todas las relaciones socio ambientales que confluyen en el mundo, ya que el sistema capitalista ha sido un gran responsable de la destrucción del ambiente. Retomar la idea de generar una teoría del poder desde la perspectiva de la ecología, llevará a un nuevo pacto social con la naturaleza y reemplazará el poder político mundial moderno capitalista.
Este artículo aborda los vínculos existentes entre la explotación de la mano de obra migrante y el desarrollo de la agricultura intensiva en la provincia de Huelva, España. El objetivo es describir cómo la apropiación explotación de la naturaleza humana y extrahumana (Moore, 2015) convergen en el cultivo de la fresa. Tomamos como punto de partida la teoría del capitalismo como ecología-mundo de Moore y la articulamos con las aportaciones del feminismo materialista y los análisis de la economía política sobre el continuum de control de la movilidad del trabajo en la historia del capitalismo. A partir de este posicionamiento teórico, analizamos el modo en que este cultivo extrae su rentabilidad de la asignación a circular de temporeras marroquíes empleadas a través del programa de migración temporal conocido como contratación en origen. Este programa permite al sector disponer de una mano de obra poco costosa y flexible que garantice la rentabilidad del cultivo, y que retorna a su país de origen al final de la temporada. Veremos que para ello se ha dirigido exclusivamente a mujeres con hijos pequeños a su cargo. La circulación entre país de origen y de trabajo de las jornaleras marroquíes y su adecuación a las exigencias del sector se fundan en las asimetrías de género, clase y etnia existentes. Concretamente, el programa implementa una doble dependencia de los hogares de trabajadoras hacia los ingresos de la temporada, por un lado, y hacia su participación en la economía doméstica, cuando regresan, por otro. Leemos esta subordinación de la reproducción por la producción como una apropiación de la naturaleza tal y como la define, de manera amplia, Moore. El artículo está basado en el material etnográfico recogido entre 2009 y 2012, y actualizado en 2019, en los lugares de vida y trabajo de las temporeras. Su estructura es la siguiente. En una primera parte se exponen las principales características de la producción de frutos rojos en Huelva. En un segundo momento, se describe cómo la contratación de temporeras marroquíes ha sido una estrategia del modelo productivo que había agotado los recursos presentes en el territorio. En la tercera parte, se abordan las consecuencias que el modelo de contratación en origen tiene sobre las condiciones de vida y trabajo de las temporeras y se describen los límites del programa que se está viendo cuestionado por la emergencia de movilizaciones y resistencias. ; The province of Huelva, in Andalusia (Spain), is the first strawberry exporting area in Europe. Based on an intensive use of inputs applied on sterilized land, this sector is an archetype of agricultural industrialization, marking the decisive influence of capitalist activity on the biosphere right down to the landscape. Considered red gold for decades, this monoculture entered into crisis in the mid-1990s. Despite the continuous increase in input costs, the price per kilogram of strawberries remains stable, with supermarkets and input suppliers controlling the agrifood chain. To maintain profitability, farmers have followed three strategies: increasing production per hectare through technical intensification of production, introducing new berries cultures, and making wages an adjustment variable. This last one, has been possible through the employment of a diversified migrant workforce. Since the 90's, various labor substitutions processes have resulted in a segmented labor market by origin, gender, migration status and work relationship. From the year 2000, an important part of the labor force have been women employed through a temporary migration program named contratacion en origen. Morocco has been the main country of recruitment since 2008. Besides Moroccan workers, the sector employs North and West African workers, with or without work permits, an important number of Eastern European workers coming seasonally through work agencies, and Spanish women workers, mainly in the packing stations. The rise of unemployment caused by the economic crisis limited the contratacion en origen between 2012 and 2017. However, this program is very appreciated by employers who have been demanding its reinstatement, as it guarantees a flexible and non-demanding labor force, available throughout the campaign, even if at certain times the work is scarce. In 2017, it was reactivated with more workers than ever. Based on qualitative material gathered between 2009 and 2012, and updated in 2019, we will address several dimensions of an agro-migration regime constitutive of this land designed by capitalist world-ecology. The paper will focus on the contratacion en origen held with Morocco since 2006. Financed by European Union money, this program aims to facilitate the movement of women workers who must return to Morocco after the season ends. To this end, a series of criteria are established based on racist and sexist stereotypes that define rural Moroccan women mainly as mothers and wives to justify their return to the country when strawberry season is over. To participate in the program, it is necessary to be a woman of rural and poor origin and to have dependent children under 14 years old. It means that capital accumulation in this agriculture is based on control over female farmworkers reproduction. Taking up the contributions of materialist feminism and cross-referencing them with political economy and world-ecology theory, we analyze this subordination of reproduction by production as an appropriation of nature as defined by Moore. Capitalist accumulation expands through commodity fronts (2015). Competition leads to a perpetual search for new territories - spatial or social - that have not yet been commodified and whose conquest opens new cycles of profitability. Capitalism appropriates these borderlands, reclaiming the free labor of women, nature and colonies (Mies, 1986) and justifying it by the fact that these cheap natures are objects that can be appropriated. Naturalization is the ideology that allows the material exploitation and appropriation of the "free gifts of nature". In this paper, we argue that, in intensive agriculture, accumulation is based on the exploitation of the web of life, embedded in control over the reproduction of female foreign farmworkers. We show how the imbrication between racism and sexism transforms Moroccan women into inputs for intensive agriculture and address the two dimensions of these power relations: their material appropriation and the ideology that identifies women and racialized people as nature that sustains the former. We analyze how borders implemented by the contratacion en origen mobilize gender and race to allow workforce exploitation. This temporary migration program is based on an economic articulation and a physical separation of the time-spaces of production and reproduction of labor power. Moroccan farmworkers are recruited as appropriated women (Guillaumin, 1992). It is because they carry out the bulk of domestic work, because they are materially involved in the rearing of children, and because this activity is considered their legitimate and main activity, that they are seen as ideal seasonal workers. That is to say, the women will work hard for their children that remain on the other side of the border and they will return home at the end of the season. The constraints implied by the process of recruitment are reinforced by a legal captivity induced by the fact that residence permits are linked to a specific employer. In addition to this juridical captivity, the confinement in the dwellings weakens these workers' capacity to negotiate their working conditions. The farms are often far from the villages. Isolation is increased by the fact that farmworkers generally do not speak Spanish and do not have any other means of transportation than the one normally provided once a week by the employer for shopping. The mechanisms of control over women's bodies and sexuality are furthermore mobilized to impose discipline and control over workers, as well as to avoid them leaving the Program. The stigma of the woman of bad life and the prostitute, attributed to those who go out at night or to those who leave the Program to stay irregularly in Spain, patrols the borders of temporary work. This system constructs a vulnerable labor force ready to accept the poor working and living conditions offered. However, as Burawoy (1975) pointed out, the interdependence between home and host countries and the separation of production and reproduction tend to erode over time, usually leading to resistance and eventual labor replacement. In 2018 the pact of silence regarding the living and working conditions of foreign seasonal workers was finally broken. The collective mobilizations of Moroccan seasonal workers were organized to denounce poor living and working conditions and the existence of sexual abuse. This questioned the core of a recruitment program that had been designed as an example of ethical and orderly migration for 20 years. At the end of the season, various actors also reported that a significant number of female workers had not returned to Morocco at the end of their contracts. We read these forms of collective and individual resistance as signs of the erosion of this program. We will have to wait to see the impact of these emerging acts of resistance.
The province of Huelva, in Andalusia (Spain), is the first strawberry exporting area in Europe. Based on an intensive use of inputs applied on sterilized land, this sector is an archetype of agricultural industrialization, marking the decisive influence of capitalist activity on the biosphere right down to the landscape.Considered red gold for decades, this monoculture entered into crisis in the mid-1990s. Despite the continuous increase in input costs, the price per kilogram of strawberries remains stable, with supermarkets and input suppliers controlling the agrifood chain. To maintain profitability, farmers have followed three strategies: increasing production per hectare through technical intensification of production, introducing new berries cultures, and making wages an adjustment variable. This last one, has been possible through the employment of a diversified migrant workforce. Since the 90's, various labor substitutions processes have resulted in a segmented labor market by origin, gender, migration status and work relationship. From the year 2000, an important part of the labor force have been women employed through a temporary migration program named contratación en origen. Morocco has been the main country of recruitment since 2008. Besides Moroccan workers, the sector employs North and West African workers, with or without work permits, an important number of Eastern European workers coming seasonally through work agencies, and Spanish women workers, mainly in the packing stations. The rise of unemployment caused by the economic crisis limited the contratación en origen between 2012 and 2017. However, this program is very appreciated by employers who have been demanding its reinstatement, as it guarantees a flexible and non-demanding labor force, available throughout the campaign, even if at certain times the work is scarce. In 2017, it was reactivated with more workers than ever.Based on qualitative material gathered between 2009 and 2012, and updated in 2019, we will address several dimensions of an agro-migration regime constitutive of this land designed by capitalist world-ecology. The paper will focus on the contratación en origen held with Morocco since 2006. Financed by European Union money, this program aims to facilitate the movement of women workers who must return to Morocco after the season ends. To this end, a series of criteria are established based on racist and sexist stereotypes that define rural Moroccan women mainly as mothers and wives to justify their return to the country when strawberry season is over. To participate in the program, it is necessary to be a woman of rural and poor origin and to have dependent children under 14 years old. It means that capital accumulation in this agriculture is based on control over female farmworkers reproduction. Taking up the contributions of materialist feminism and cross-referencing them with political economy and world-ecology theory, we analyze this subordination of reproduction by production as an appropriation of nature as defined by Moore. Capitalist accumulation expands through commodity fronts (2015). Competition leads to a perpetual search for new territories – spatial or social – that have not yet been commodified and whose conquest opens new cycles of profitability. Capitalism appropriates these borderlands, reclaiming the free labor of women, nature and colonies (Mies, 1986) and justifying it by the fact that these cheap natures are objects that can be appropriated. Naturalization is the ideology that allows the material exploitation and appropriation of the "free gifts of nature".In this paper, we argue that, in intensive agriculture, accumulation is based on the exploitation of the web of life, embedded in control over the reproduction of female foreign farmworkers. We show how the imbrication between racism and sexism transforms Moroccan women into inputs for intensive agriculture and address the two dimensions of these power relations: their material appropriation and the ideology that identifies women and racialized people as nature that sustains the former.We analyze how borders implemented by the contratación en origen mobilize gender and race to allow workforce exploitation. This temporary migration program is based on an economic articulation and a physical separation of the time-spaces of production and reproduction of labor power. Moroccan farmworkers are recruited as appropriated women (Guillaumin, 1992). It is because they carry out the bulk of domestic work, because they are materially involved in the rearing of children, and because this activity is considered their legitimate and main activity, that they are seen as ideal seasonal workers. That is to say, the women will work hard for their children that remain on the other side of the border and they will return home at the end of the season.The constraints implied by the process of recruitment are reinforced by a legal captivity induced by the fact that residence permits are linked to a specific employer. In addition to this juridical captivity, the confinement in the dwellings weakens these workers' capacity to negotiate their working conditions. The farms are often far from the villages. Isolation is increased by the fact that farmworkers generally do not speak Spanish and do not have any other means of transportation than the one normally provided once a week by the employer for shopping. The mechanisms of control over women's bodies and sexuality are furthermore mobilized to impose discipline and control over workers, as well as to avoid them leaving the Program. The stigma of the woman of bad life and the prostitute, attributed to those who go out at night or to those who leave the Program to stay irregularly in Spain, patrols the borders of temporary work. This system constructs a vulnerable labor force ready to accept the poor working and living conditions offered. However, as Burawoy (1975) pointed out, the interdependence between home and host countries and the separation of production and reproduction tend to erode over time, usually leading to resistance and eventual labor replacement. In 2018 the pact of silence regarding the living and working conditions of foreign seasonal workers was finally broken. The collective mobilizations of Moroccan seasonal workers were organized to denounce poor living and working conditions and the existence of sexual abuse. This questioned the core of a recruitment program that had been designed as an example of ethical and orderly migration for 20 years. At the end of the season, various actors also reported that a significant number of female workers had not returned to Morocco at the end of their contracts. We read these forms of collective and individual resistance as signs of the erosion of this program. We will have to wait to see the impact of these emerging acts of resistance. ; Este artículo aborda los vínculos existentes entre la explotación de la mano de obra migrante y el desarrollo de la agricultura intensiva en la provincia de Huelva, España. El objetivo es describir cómo la apropiación-explotación de la naturaleza humana y extrahumana (Moore, 2015) convergen en el cultivo de la fresa. Tomamos como punto de partida la teoría del capitalismo como ecología-mundo de Moore y la articulamos con las aportaciones del feminismo materialista y los análisis de la economía política sobre el continuum de control de la movilidad del trabajo en la historia del capitalismo. A partir de este posicionamiento teórico, analizamos el modo en que este cultivo extrae su rentabilidad de la asignación a circular de temporeras marroquíes empleadas a través del programa de migración temporal conocido como contratación en origen. Este programa permite al sector disponer de una mano de obra poco costosa y flexible que garantice la rentabilidad del cultivo, y que retorna a su país de origen al final de la temporada. Veremos que para ello se ha dirigido exclusivamente a mujeres con hijos pequeños a su cargo. La circulación entre país de origen y de trabajo de las jornaleras marroquíes y su adecuación a las exigencias del sector se fundan en las asimetrías de género, clase y etnia existentes. Concretamente, el programa implementa una doble dependencia de los hogares de trabajadoras hacia los ingresos de la temporada, por un lado, y hacia su participación en la economía doméstica, cuando regresan, por otro. Leemos esta subordinación de la reproducción por la producción como una apropiación de la naturaleza tal y como la define, de manera amplia, Moore. El artículo está basado en el material etnográfico recogido entre 2009 y 2012, y actualizado en 2019, en los lugares de vida y trabajo de las temporeras. Su estructura es la siguiente. En una primera parte se exponen las principales características de la producción de frutos rojos en Huelva. En un segundo momento, se describe cómo la contratación de temporeras marroquíes ha sido una estrategia del modelo productivo que había agotado los recursos presentes en el territorio. En la tercera parte, se abordan las consecuencias que el modelo de contratación en origen tiene sobre las condiciones de vida y trabajo de las temporeras y se describen los límites del programa que se está viendo cuestionado por la emergencia de movilizaciones y resistencias.
The ecological question has undergone a remarkable development in recent years in the French literary space, in line with the increasingly significant presence in the public debate of the environmental emergency. From the rise of green movements in politics to the encyclical Laudato si' updating the magisterium of Pope Francis, from the warnings of the scientific community to the commitment of young people to the climate crisis, ecology has taken shape as a global ideal, capable of uniting people. Writers are now addressing these issues by spreading a new imaginary of the ecosystem. ; La cuestión ecológica ha experimentado un notable desarrollo en los últimos años en el espacio literario francés, en consonancia con la presencia cada vez más significativa en el debate público de la emergencia medioambiental. Desde el auge de los movimientos verdes en la política hasta la encíclica Laudato si' que actualiza el magisterio de Francisco, desde las advertencias de la comunidad científica hasta el compromiso de los jóvenes con la crisis climática, la ecología se ha configurado como un ideal global, capaz de unir a las personas. Los escritores se ocupan ahora de estos temas difundiendo un nuevo imaginario del ecosistema.
Discussing under the concepts of a scientific model reports certain difficulties, especially in the development of reflections and ways of thinking the geographical space. The following case presents the progress in the urban expansion in the city of Valdivia, Chile, within the framework to offers an exceptional occupation in certain spaces with relevant natural value, but whose commercial aptitude makes them even more tasty for housing operations and infrastructure. It is observed, from the evidence gathered in the area, that the articulations in the reproduction of capital in space break natural barriers, converting it permanently into anthropized and suitably altered spaces, turning it into a second nature. This new version of the environment abandons its qualities as an obstacle, resulting in exceptional areas for analysis, such as the Guacamayo sector at the city of Valdivia. The bandurria is the excuse to test the conceptual framework that political ecology offers to know about the cross between society and nature. ; Discutir bajo los conceptos de un modelo científico reporta ciertas dificultades, sobre todo en el desarrollo de las reflexiones y las formas de mirar el espacio geográfico. El siguiente caso presenta el progreso en la expansión urbana de la ciudad de Valdivia, Chile, en el marco de las ofertas de ocupación excepcional en determinados espacios, de relevante valor natural, pero cuya aptitud comercial los hace aún más atractivas para las operaciones habitacionales y de infraestructura. Se observa, a partir de la evidencia recogida en la zona, que las articulaciones en la reproducción del capital en el espacio superan la barrera de la naturaleza, convirtiéndola permanentemente en espacios antropizados y convenientemente alterados, tornándola en una segunda naturaleza. Esta nueva versión del entorno abandona sus cualidades como obstáculo, resultando de ella zonas excepcionales para su análisis, como es el sector Guacamayo en la ciudad de Valdivia. La bandurria es la excusa para poner a prueba el ...