Many environmental and natural resource problems, which have been solved in developed countries with the use of appropriate instruments, are becoming increasingly common in developing countries. Due to poverty, the efficiency of conceiving environmental policies and minimizing costs, are inherent issues of these countries. The aim of this paper is to highlight the importance of environmental taxes in developing countries, as environmental taxes are an instrument of environmental policy that convenes with the level of their development. Most countries today pay great attention to environmental taxes. However, in the tax systems of developing countries, their significance is neglected. We analyzed 12 developing countries, which are members of the European Union, with the tendency to point out the benefits they could have from environmental taxes. A regression analysis was applied on the data series for the period 2001-2016. The results of the model show that the growth of tax revenues from ecological taxes implicitly increases the state allocation in the field of environmental protection. ; Mnogi problemi zaštite životne sredine i prirodnih resura, koji su rešeni u razvijenim zemlјama primenom odgovarajućih instrumenata, postaju sve veći u zemlјama u razvoju. Zbog siromaštva, efikasnost koncipiranja ekološke politike i minimiziranje troškova, predstavlјaju inherentna pitanja ovih zemalјa. Cilј ovog rada je da istakne značaj ekoloških poreza u zemlјama u razvoju, shodno tome da ekološki porezi predstavlјaju instrument ekološke politike koji konvenira nivou njihove razvijenosti. Većina zemalјa, danas, veliku pažnju posvećuje ekološkim porezima. Međutim, u poreskim sistemima zemalјa u razvoju, njihov značaj je delastiran. Analizirali smo 12 zemalјa u razvoju, koje su članice Evropske Unije, sa tendencijom da ukažemo na benefite koje bi one mogle imati od ekoloških poreza. Sprovedena je regresiona analiza na seriji podataka za period 2001-2016. godine. Rezultati modela pokazuju da rast poreskih prihoda od ekoloških poreza, implicitno povećava i izdvajanja države u oblasti zaštite životne sredine.
The paper points to the relations between multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) with global characteristics and contemporary security problems. Starting from the existing architecture of MEAs, the importance of several key global security challenges (climate change, water resource management, biodiversity protection, waste management and hazardous chemicals) has been ephasised. Status of the members of the UN Security Council, Republic of Serbia (RS) and RS' neighboroughing countries (EU members) in MEAs is overviewed. The basis of the analysis is 15 MEAs open for universal membership, whose depository is the UN Secretary General. It is noted that there is no uniform membership of the states UN Security Council' members in the MEAs. Some of the UN Security Council's members are not contracting party in several MEAs. At the same time, EU member states (those who are permanent members of the UN Security Council, as well as RS neighboring EU countries) are members of majority of the MEAs. RS, in terms of the number of MEAs where is a contracting party, lags behind the neighboring states EU members.
The paper deals with the issue of regulation of the right of natural and legal persons to environmental information, in relevant international legal documents. There is a survey of certain international conventions which envisage this right in their field of regulation. The right to access the information is in details regulated in the Aarhus Convention, which comprises significant part of this paper. This kind of regulation of the right to environmental information has performed a significant influence on states and international organizations, which created their domestic and international rules, using the solutions from this Convention. The European Union has enacted a significant number of directives on the right of a public to receive environmental information. The special emphasis will be on the work of the Aarhus Convention's Compliance Committee which has a significant role in supervising and deciding about the compliance with the application of the Convention in its member states.
Rad pokušava objasniti objektivnu razliku između državnog saveza i saveza država kao oblika federativnog odnosno konfederativnog uređenja odnosa među članicama, odnosno distingvirati između sintagmi statusa države i državnog statusa te uputiti na nužnost razlikovanja ustavnog kontinuiteta koji postoji u uslovima kad država ne mijenja status države i ustavnog diskontinuiteta kad dolazi do preobražaja državnog statusa određenog državnog subjekta. Na primjerima istorijskih i savremenih oblika unija, kroz istorijsku se dinamiku postojanja unija pokazuje da nijedna unija nije mogla niti može pretendovati da apsorbuje osnovne atribute članice/a, država, koje ječine. Ključna pitanja koja se obrađuju sa gledišta savremenog konstitucionalizma u odnosu na teorijski pojam unije su pitanja ustavnog diskontinuiteta do koga dolazi izlaskom članica unije iz njenog sastava, kao i posljedično tome međunarodnog priznanja i osamostaljenja članica unije. ; The paper attempts to explain the objective difference between a state union and a union of states as the respective forms of federative and confederative systems of government. It tries to distinguish between the expressions status of a country and state status and to point out the necessity of distinguishing between constitutional continuity that exists when a country does not change its status and constitutional discontinuity when the state status of a country is changed. The historical and contemporary examples of unions show that no union could have aspired or can aspire to absorb the basic features of its member state(s). The key issues, dealt with from the aspect of contemporary constitutionalism and theoretical idea of a union, are the issues of constitutional discontinuity that occurs when member state(s) decide to leave the unio n, form independent state(s) and demand international recognition
U radu se razmatra ekološko obrazovanje u Srbiji, kroz analizu trenutnog stanja, ukazivanje na ključne probleme u ovoj oblasti i moguće pravce daljeg razvoja. U prvom delu rada dat je prikaz razvoja ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji sa naglaskom na ključne faze u ovom procesu. Put razvoja ekološkog obrazovanja u Srbiji kretao se od izrazitog antropocentrizma i antagonizma između čoveka i prirode, preko umerenog antropocentrizma sa primesama ekoncentrizma, do dominantnog ekocentrizma. Primetno je da razvoj ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji kasni bar jednu deceniju u odnosu na društvene okolnosti, što otvara brojne implikacije za obrazovni sistem i društvo u celini. Kada je u pitanju nastavni proces, analiza stanja pokazuje pomake koji su učinjeni implementiranjem novih sadržaja iz oblasti ekologije i održivog razvoja u postojeće predmete, kao i uvođenjem izbornih predmeta koji se odnose na ekološko obrazovanje. Pomaci su učinjeni i u domenu vannastavnih aktivnosti koje su obogaćene sadržajima iz oblasti ekologije, kao i u okviru obrazovnih politika škola, uvođenjem posebnih rubrika u školske programe kojima se definišu planirane aktivnosti iz ove oblasti. U drugom delu rada napravljen je osvrt na ključne probleme do kojih se došlo analizom postojećeg stanja u oblasti ekološkog obrazovanja. Kao največi problem izdvaja se primetni jaz između usvojenog znanja iz oblasti ekologije i individualnog delovanja pojedinca u svakodnevnom životu u pravcu očuvanja životne sredine. Pored toga, u nastavi se još uvek u nedovoljnoj meri primenjuju interdisciplinarni pristup i projektna nastava zasnovana na istraživanju čiji je doprinos u učenju ekoloških sadržaja potvrđen u nalazima brojnih istraživanja. U trećem delu rada date su preporuke za dalji razvoj ekološkog obrazovanja u našoj zemlji koje se prevashodno odnose na način učenja ekoloških sadržaja u okviru škole i koje imaju važne implikacije za kreatore obrazovnih politika, lidere u školama i praktičare. Na prvom mestu, škole bi trebalo da budu usmerene na stvaranje mogućnosti za istinski, receptivni i refleksivni odnos učenika sa prirodom. To bi značilo da se u procesu učenja ekoloških sadržaja primene pristupi čiji je uspeh već potvrđen, poput interdisciplinarnog pristupa i projektne nastave. Ostvarivanju ovog cilja pomoglo bi i intenziviranje vannastavnih aktivnosti kroz unapređivanje već postojećih (ekskurzije, nastava u prirodi) kao i uvođenjem novih, na primer ekoloških kampova i drugih organizovanih aktivnosti u prirodi koje podrazumevaju veću angažovanost učenika. Na taj način bi bilo omogućeno da se znanja stečena u nastavi povežu sa neposrednim iskustvom u prirodi. Time bi se podigao kvalitet dobijenih znanja iz ove oblasti, a ostvario bi se i pozitivan uticaj na voljni i emocionalni aspekt ličnosti učenika, što bi vodilo ka njihovoj većoj svesti o potrebi zaštite životne sredine, kao i njihovoj većoj participaciji u konkretnim aktivnostima koje se tiču očuvanja prirode i njenih resursa. Na kraju, ukazano je na važnost finansijskog aspekta, pa se kao preporuka za obrazovnu politiku ističe da su potrebna veća ulaganja kako bi škole mogle dobijena sredstva da iskoriste za podizanje svojih kapaciteta u oblasti ekološkog obrazovanja, obogaćivanje nastavnih resursa, kao i za obučavanje nastavnog kadra. ; The paper deliberates environmental education in Serbia by analysing the current situation, pointing to key problems in this area and potential trends of further development. The first part of the paper is an overview of environmental education development in our country with an emphasis on key stages in this process. The developmental path of environmental education in Serbia has unfolded from strong anthropocentrism and antagonism between the man and nature, through moderate anthropocentrism with hints of ecocentrism, to dominant ecocentrism. It is obvious that development of environmental education in our country is at least a decade late vis-à-vis social circumstances, which opens a number of implications for education system and overall society. With regard to teaching process, the current situation analysis reveals the progress made by implementing new contents from the fields of ecology and sustainable development in the existing subjects, as well as by introducing elective courses related to environmental education. The progress has also been made in terms of extracurricular activities that have been enriched with ecology contents, as well as within educational policies of schools by introducing special sections in the school curricula that define planned activities in this field. The second part of the paper focuses on the key issues arising from the analysis of current situation in environmental education. The greatest problem is an apparent gap between acquired ecology knowledge and the individual's actions in everyday life regarding environmental protection. In addition, the interdisciplinary approach and research-based project teaching whose contribution to learning the environmental contents has been acknowledged by results of numerous studies are still not adequately applied in teaching. The third part of the paper provides recommendations for further development of environmental education in our country. They primarily refer to the way environmental education is taught in school and have important implications for education policy makers, school leaders and practitioners. Primarily, the schools should aim at creating opportunities for genuine, receptive and reflective relationship of students with nature. This would mean using already validated approaches to learning of environmental contents, such as interdisciplinary approach and project-based teaching. Intensifying the extracurricular activities through improvement of already existing activities (excursions, outdoor classes) and introduction of new ones, for example eco-camps and other organized outdoor activities involving a greater student engagement, would also help in achieving this goal. In this way the correlation between the classroom-obtained knowledge and immediate experience in nature would be enabled. This would improve the quality of knowledge from this field, and have a positive effect on wilful and emotional aspect of students' personality. This would also lead to their greater awareness of the need for environmental protection, as well as their greater participation in particular activities related to conservation of nature and its resources. Finally, the importance of financial aspect is underlined and the recommendation for education policy refers to requirement for greater investments. In this way, the schools could use the received funds for increasing their environmental education capacities, improving the teaching resources and training the teaching staff. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
The paper emphasizes the most important global problems in the field of the environmental protection in the context of the debate about the importance of the participation of the local self-governments in addressing those. The paper points out to the fact that the Republic of Serbia harmonized the national environmental legislation with the EU legislation as a part of the European Integration process of the Republic of Serbia. This process included the transfer of a significant part of the work in the environmental field (including activities related to global environmental issues) to be carried out by the local self-government. These are the following issues: climate change, protection of the biodiversity, forest resources management, sustainable use and management of water resources, waste management. This paper identifies how the RS regulations transferred jurisdiction on environmental responsibilities to the local self-government. The paper also refers to the national regulations in the field of the environment in which the local self-government has been made competent for the activities related to the global environmental problems and the question of the capacity of the local self-government to implement these regulations.
Nowadays, there are divided opinions in Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to further mandate of the OHR and the institution of the High Representative. However, the e nd of the mandate of the High Representative is realistically expected in the near future. The need to abolish the office of the OHR and the institution of the High Representative has been mentioned increasingly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in the Republic of Srpska. The reasons for the abolition of the function of the High Representative are different between the entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as among its constitutive peoples. The authority of the High Representative has been increasingly questioned.It is on that basis that questions arise more frequently whether his (High Representative) legal acts will be valid, in particular individual decisions, such as deprivation of certain rights to citizens, the right to work, political action and passive right to vote. Representatives of the international community are worried that the interested domestic political circles could set a thesis (and be successful at it) that all acts of the High Representative will cease to apply at the moment when Annex X of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina is ended.A number of imposed laws not yet adopted by the local legislator himself, in the event of cancellation, would actually return BiH to the original competences under the Constitution BiH, as the legal consequence. The institution of the High Representative was set up by Annex X (Agreement on Civilian Implementation of the Peaceful Solution) of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.Simultaneously, bearing in mind these facts, legally speaking, Bosnia and Herzegovina can not be classified into any known form of international dependence, however, the objective situation is such that Bosnia and Herzegovina with the powers vested in the High Representative and the actions that he is taking, can be considered a state with a specific form of international dependence and a special form of guardianship.
Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmet bavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u kome su izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja. U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualni i metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi mogle biti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta i sloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju su kombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova i praksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnih samouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinih organizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkim problemima - Panĉeva i Bora. Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkog pokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa, kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristika osnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovor na pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da u Srbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakav je prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustva elemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno u zemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modela ekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime, za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉku dimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" po karakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnih reformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološki treći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, koje samo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze (mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivna dimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉine sastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisu ukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga. U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvoja participativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebe objašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran je sintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitih teorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisana na sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokreta neophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesno socijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca / profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacija klasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se za njegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje 5 kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da bude relativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja se ţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takav naĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širi krug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkog pokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika, dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosni sistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija i evropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe). Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslova neophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen. Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskog rizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihov podsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajuće shvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološke probleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jer upućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja. Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usled ĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama. Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad, a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gube samostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološko delanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora, naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab (nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekoloških organizacija, nerazvijeno. Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnog zakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka. GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što se nepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnu svoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesa odluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenje programa u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija je ograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodne ekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem od strane drţavnih struktura. Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim za razvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i s njim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološke probleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţno materijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Nove ekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih za ovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrlo neizvestan. Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kao i razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotne sredine u Srbiji. ; he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformation and the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and the concluding chapter. In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual and methodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for the further analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complex phenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influence its emergence and development, the study is using a combination of different methodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232), in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmental organizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with serious environmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor. The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements of the environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups / organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts. Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmental movement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to the question - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding is that participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Western countries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existence of significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that is present in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the development of a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the third environmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism which have an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sector organizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas that the state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to the underdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector is characterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, which establish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception (under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only the cognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmental values and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discourse dominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of these organizations, except as users of services. In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / or transactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain the emergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a synthetic explanatory model was established, combining elements developed within different social movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: for the launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movement certain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed 8 dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals / professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classical approaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for its solution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action (the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relatively favorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the Political Opportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a way to initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directly affected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New Social Movements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction of environmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure of political opportunities, the value system), the process of development of the environmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – the post-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by the factors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicative hypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of the environmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met. In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems are dominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which their capacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, the prevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost all environmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as it leads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainable development. Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, in many cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmental organizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation. An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becoming increasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy. As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within the environmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult to establish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination of particular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remains undeveloped. Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of political opportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs, which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt to impose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excluded from the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacity building of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field of environmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the one hand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmental organizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditions imposed by the state authorities. The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for the development of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of the materialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic 9 growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting the environmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialistic value orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to the citizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptance of such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain. The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empirical findings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developed environmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.
Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstupostsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmetbavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u komesu izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja.U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualnii metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi moglebiti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta isloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju sukombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova ipraksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnihsamouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinihorganizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkimproblemima - Panĉeva i Bora.Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkogpokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa,kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristikaosnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovorna pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da uSrbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakavje prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustvaelemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno uzemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modelaekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime,za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉkudimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" pokarakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnihreformi, drţava povukla. ...
Since one of the most effective ways of strengthening the implementation the green infrastructure principle is through spatial planning, the paper aims at presenting the overview of the contemporary policies in the domain of environment and planning. After a brief overview of European and regional (i.e. Western Balkan) documents in the field, the central part of the paper elucidates the extent to which the concept of green infrastructure is elaborated in Serbian legislative framework.
Muzičke institucije u Beogradu i Srbiji u drugoj polovini 19. veka u velikoj su meri zavisile od inostranih kadrova, najčešće građana Austrougarske, usled nedostatka adekvatno obrazovanih domaćih muzičkih stručnjaka. Ovakva situacija doprinela je dolasku značajnog broja Čeha, Austrijanaca, Nemaca, kao i Mađara u srpske gradove gde su radili na muzičkom opismenjavanju kako imućnijih, tako i širih slojeva, a po tom i na utemeljenju i ekspanziji visoko umetničke i popularne muzičke prakse. Iz istih razloga se polovinom 60-ih godina u Beogradu našao i Slovenac Davorin Jenko koji će zahvaljujući svom angažmanu u Beogradskom pevačkom društvu i u Narodnom pozorištu steći značajan ugled u srpskoj sredini, kao i u među srpskom obrazovanom populacijom iz Austrougarske. Budući da se Jenkovo delanje u Beogradu poklapalo sa intenzivnim širenjem panslavističkog diskursa i diskursa kulturnog nacionalizma u okviru političkog, kulturnog, naučnog i umetničkog polja uspeh njegovih muzičkih ostvarenja i prestiž koji je vremenom sticao među publikom različitog društvenog profila nailazili su na podeljene reakcije među pripadnicima intelektualne elite. Činjenica da je kompozitor slovenačkog porekla stvarao muziku uglavnom proisteklu iz elemenata šire shvaćenog srpskog muzičkog foklora koju je publika prihvatala i prepoznavala kao srpsku muziku otvorila je prostor za polemike hroničara i komentatora beogradskog muzičkog života u srpskim, vojvođanskim i bosanskim listovima i časopisima. Pokušavajući da objasne fenomen srpske muzike "stranog" porekla autori su izvodili interpretacije koncepa srpstva otkrivajući u njemu izvesne epistemološke rupture. Rasprave oko statusa Jenkove muzike u vidu njenog poimanja kao srpske ili ne-baš-sasvim srpske, ukazivale su na različitost ideoloških pozicija koje su se pojavile u okviru srpske elite iz Kraljevine Srbije i Austrougarske. Cilj rada je da se ukaže na izdiferenciranost etničkog koncepta nacionalnog identiteta proisteklog kao rezultat nepoklapanja u viđenjima elite kada je reč o daljem razvoju srpske kulture. Važan segment predstavljaće predočavanje značaja te pojave u teorijskom i kulturno-istorijskom pogledu. ; In the second half of the 19th century music institutions in Belgrade and Serbia depended a lot on the work of foreign musicians, most of them citizens of Austria-Hungary, because of the continual lack of local educated professionals. Th ese circumstances contributed to the large-scale migration of Czech, Austrian, German and Hungarian musicians to Serbian towns where they helped with the expansion of the musical literacy of both the upper and middle-class parts of society, as well as the establishment of the high-art and popular music practices. Th e same type of "missionary work" motivated Slovenian musician Davorin Jenko to settle in Belgrade during the 1860s where he was active for several decades fi rst in the Belgrade's singing society and later in the National theater gaining public appraisal from the Serbian theatergoers, intellectuals and music experts both from Serbia and Austria-Hungary. Since Jenko's arrival to Belgrade coincided with the growing popularity of the Pan-Slavic ideas and the discourse of cultural nationalism in the fields of politics, culture, science and arts the success of his works among the theatre spectators and music consumers created divergent response in the parts of the Serbian elite. Th e fact that the composer of Slovenian origin created music on the basis of largely defi ned Serbian music folklore that was well accepted and perceived as Serbian among the consumers inspired the debates of music critics, chroniclers and experts in journals published in Serbia, Vojvodina and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Trying to explain the phenomenon of the Serbian music of "foreign" origin commentators performed diff erent interpretations of the concept of Serbian identity showing throughout the process its epistemological ruptures. Th e confl icting views on the status of Jenko's music as Serbian or not-completely-Serbian was a result of divergent ideological positions that appeared among the elites from Kingdom of Serbia and Austria-Hungary. Our aim is to point to the diversity of the defi nitions of the ethnic concept of nation and national identity among the Serbian elites at that time as a consequence of the diff erent understanding of the progress of Serbian culture. Th e special emphasis will be put on the theoretical and cultural-historical implications of that phenomenon.
A decade ago, Serbia has carried out the reform of judicial control of public administration - by establishing the new Administrative Court. The expected results, however, have not been achieved and the problems that caused the reform have not been resolved. Therefore, a decade later, a new reform is in sight. The planned changes include establishing more administrative courts and introducing a two-instance administrative dispute. The aim of this paper is to discuss these changes, but in a slightly different way. Instead of their uncritical acceptance and justification by European legal standards, they are analysed having in mind the legal nature of the administrative dispute. Successful administrative dispute reform cannot be achieved if European legal standards are blindly accepted and copied literally from classical court proceedings. Only the legal nature of the administrative dispute and the features that make it special and different from the usual court disputes can lead us to a successful implementation of the changes.
The article explores Polybius's view from Book Six of Histories in which he argues that the Roman constitution was superior to other mixed systems of government because it evolved naturally. The novelty of Polybius's approach within the wider classical tradition is examined by contrasting his account with Plato's and Aristotle's. The architecture of the two kinds of mixed constitutions is then compared: the Spartan government is taken as a model of a good planned constitution and the Roman constitution as the best naturally evolving system of government. The main be nefit of the natural constitution over all other constitutions, simple and mixed, is its stability, and the final part of the paper addresses a plausible way in which Polybius thought such a constitution was reached in Rome and situates this historical account within his theory of anacyclosis. ; Tekst se bavi Polibijevim razmatranjima iz šeste knjige Istorija, gde helenski autor tvrdi da je rimski ustav bio nadmoćniji u poređenju sa drugim mešovitim porecima zato što se razvijao prirodno. Novina Polibijevog pristupa unutar šire klasične tradicije ispitana je kroz poređenje njegovih ideja sa Platonovim i Aristotelovim. Zatim, upoređena je struktura dveju vrsta mešovitih ustava – spartanski ustav je primer dobrog planiranog ustava, a rimski ustav je najbolji sistem vladanja koji se razvio na prirodan način. Osnovna prednost prirodnog ustava nad ostalim ustavima, bilo da su čistog ili mešovitog oblika, jeste njegova stabilnost, a završni deo teksta bavi se načinima na koje je Rim došao do takvog poretka i postavlja ovo razmatranje u okvire Polibijeve teorije o anaciklozisu.
