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Inhalt: - Wiederaufbau und ziviles Lagebild - Vertrauensbildende Maßnahmen - Herausforderungen und Grenzen - Folgerungen

Aus schweizerischer Sicht

The state of res on nation-building in the Maghreb is described. The aim is to discover the structural (ie, SH) foundations of nation-building within a relatively uniform regional context (the 3 former French colonies of the Maghreb: Morocco, Algeria & Tunisia). In order to understand Maghrebian society & its particular history, we must consider the Maghreb against its natural background, the Mediterranean world. 2 widely accepted interpretations of this phenomenon exist: (a) that of the classical orientalists, united at the time when the colonial system was at its zenith; & (b) that of the anti-colonialist Marxist, uniting towards the end of the colonial era. Most representative of the orientalists is E. F. Gautier, who states that the marked disparity in the twin processes of nation-building to the north & south of the Mediterranean occurred from the 11th cent onwards because the Arab nomads had put down the first attempt on the part of settled Berber peasant communities to set up an autochtonous nat'l State based on an alliance between peasantry & townsfolk. The Marxists hold that the evolution of Maghrebian society towards modern nationhood was to a very large extent conditioned by the balance of pol'al forces within the Mediterranean zone. They also resusitated the notion of an Asian form of production. The contribution of French ethnologists & English speaking anthrop'ts is also discussed. It is pointed out that it is in patrilineage that we meet with the basic pol'al unit of all the peasant communities of the Maghreb. It is shown that in all 3 countries, it was the union of forces between the peasants & the Ur elites that made the movement for nat'l liberation irreversible. Independence & the reactivation of the segmentary structures is discussed, & it is demonstrated why on the eve of colonization, the 3 countries were not in the same situation as far as nation-building was concerned. E. Weiman.

Preparation for nation-building requires that responsible political leaders consult both with regional and functional experts, those who know why the society in question descended into conflict and those who know from experience elsewhere how to put such societies back together. Goals must be established which transcend the most immediate and normally negative purposes of the inter vention, e.g. halting conflict, stopping genocide or turning back aggression. These positive goals must be commensurate with the scale of military manpower and economic assistance likely to be committed. The larger the social transformation envisaged, the greater the resistance likely to be encountered. The most common cause for the failure of nation-building endeavours is a mismatch between objectives and commitments. (Survival / SWP)

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) disagrees with his assertion that it is the kind of nation building that impacts the handling of ethnocultural diversity rather than the fact that nation building occurs. After characterizing the nation-state, it is argued that nation building presupposes an international regime of nation-states. After elaborating on the notion of nation building, attention turns to establishing Kymlicka's claim that if ethnocultural justice requires that the one-nation state be superceded by a multination state, ie, minority self-government is necessary, then ethnocultural justice requires that exclusive jurisdiction be superceded by overlapping jurisdiction, ie, governance across nation-state borders. Hungarian nationalism is taken as a case to consider the practical relevance of overcoming the nation-state regime, demonstrating that shifts in the international environment have already affected perceptions of political alternatives. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) disagrees with his assertion that it is the kind of nation building that impacts the handling of ethnocultural diversity rather than the fact that nation building occurs. After characterizing the nation-state, it is argued that nation building presupposes an international regime of nation-states. After elaborating on the notion of nation building, attention turns to establishing Kymlicka's claim that if ethnocultural justice requires that the one-nation state be superceded by a multination state, ie, minority self-government is necessary, then ethnocultural justice requires that exclusive jurisdiction be superceded by overlapping jurisdiction, ie, governance across nation-state borders. Hungarian nationalism is taken as a case to consider the practical relevance of overcoming the nation-state regime, demonstrating that shifts in the international environment have already affected perceptions of political alternatives. J. Zendejas