The Polish energy market heavily relies on coal. Pressured by the European Union, the Polish government has recently decided to accelerate coal phase-out and to gradually shut down all coal mines by 2049. In that context, it is necessary to assess the Polish energy market's state regarding energy efficiency, especially in the building stock. This paper aims to provide an overview of the current state of energy efficiency of residential buildings in Poland and insights into its future trends. A literature review was conducted, accompanied by focus group discussions with Polish building energy efficiency experts. The Polish energy sector is under a remarkable transformation that may be going too fast. A large gap between expectations, practices, and requirements can be observed. Raising awareness and capacity building in the energy efficiency sector, and a set of accessible guidelines should be developed so that the transformation is implemented correctly. A SWOT analysis results define the key opportunities and threats that are critical to meet net-zero emissions goals. The paper provides findings and insights on the 2020 targets status quo and raises awareness among stakeholders and fills a knowledge gap regarding energy efficiency in the Polish residential building stock. ; Peer reviewed
D. Martinus Luther. wittenberg ; Bibliograph. Nachweis: Benzing 692 ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 H.ref. 486 a
Palestiinalaispakolaiset ovat eläneet pakolaisleireillä jo seitsemän vuosikymmentä. Heidän pakolaisuutensa juontuu vuodesta 1948, jolloin Israelin valtion perustamisen yhteydessä enemmistö alueen palestiinalaisesta väestöstä joutui pakenemaan kotiseuduiltaan. Vuosikymmenten aikana pakolaisleirit ovat tulleet osaksi Lähi-idän maisemaa, ja niillä on kasvanut ja elänyt jo useita palestiinalaissukupolvia. Leirien pitkästä historiasta huolimatta niitä on kuitenkin pidetty väliaikaisina; määritelmällisesti leiri on aina olemassa vain rajatun ajanjakson ja palestiinalaisten kansallisissa narratiiveissa, jotka painottavat paluuta Palestiinaan, niitä ei ole ajateltu pysyvinä asuinpaikkoina. Käytännössä leirit kuitenkin muodostavat olosuhteet, joissa palestiinalaispakolaiset elävät arkeaan ja rakentavat tulevaisuuttaan. Pitkän historiansa, ainutlaatuisen institutionaalisen viitekehyksen sekä palestiinalaisten poliittiseen kamppailuun linkittyvien merkitysten takia leirit luovat omanlaisensa puitteet niillä asuvien pakolaisten elämälle. Tässä tutkimuksessa en silti tarkastele vain leirejä itsessään vaan lähestyn niiden kautta sitä, miten niillä asuvat palestiinalaiset neuvottelevat tulevaisuudentoiveitaan. Tämä etnografiaan pohjaava tutkimus on toteutettu Libanonissa, Jordaniassa ja Länsirannalla usealla eri pakolaisleirillä. Valitsin monikenttäisen lähestymistavan sillä lähtöoletuksella, että pakolaisuuden konteksti vaikuttaa merkittävästi siihen, miten tulevaisuuksia kuvitellaan. Palestiinalaispakolaisten asemamassa onkin merkittäviä eroja näillä kolmella alueella: Libanonissa he elävät ilman kansalaisuutta ja sen tuomia oikeuksia, Jordaniassa enemmistö pakolaisista on samanaikaisesti sekä maan kansalaisia että pakolaisia ja Länsirannalla palestiinalaispakolaiset joutuvat muiden länsirantalaisten tavoin kohtaamaan Israelin väkivaltaisen miehityspolitiikan. Näiden kontekstuaalisten erojen ja niiden vaikutusten ymmärtäminen on ollut tutkimuksen keskiössä. Tutkimuksen lähtöoletuksena on lisäksi ontologisen hermeneutiikan mukaisesti se, että tulevaisuuden tarkastelu ei ole mahdollista ilman, että ymmärtää menneen, nykyisyyden ja näiden välisen suhteen. Tästä syystä käyn läpi eri kentillä asuvien palestiinalaisten historiaa ja etenen leirien nykyolosuhteiden tarkasteluun. Nämä ajallisuudet luovat pohjan pakolaisten tulevaisuudentoiveiden ymmärtämiselle. Palestiinalaispakolaisten historia on täynnä väkivaltaa, pakenemista ja jatkuvaa epävarmuutta, ja pakolaisleirit ovat tilana tiivistäneet pakolaisuuteen liittyvät vaikeudet niin historiallisesti kuin nykyäänkin. Materiaaliset olosuhteet, ahtaus, suhde ympäröivään paikkaan ja yhteisöön sekä leirin identiteetilliset ja poliittiset konnotaatiot ovat kaikki vaikuttaneet siihen, miten tähän tutkimukseen osallistuneet palestiinalaispakolaiset kokivat elinolosuhteensa. Leirien ei koettu pystyvän tarjoamaan toivottua elintasoa, mutta samanaikaisesti ne muodostivat merkityksellisen yhteisön, johon liitettiin useita positiivisia ominaisuuksia. Leirit muodostivat myös osan pakolaisten poliittista identiteettiä: ne muistuttivat niillä asuvien pakolaisuudesta ja muodostivat linkin Palestiinaan ja siten ylläpitivät vaatimusta paluuoikeudesta. Kuitenkin, näistä positiivisista puolista huolimatta, elettyinä tiloina leirit eivät pystyneet luomaan toivottuja puitteita arjelle. Tässä tutkimuksessa painottuu myös se, että Libanonissa, Jordaniassa ja Länsirannalla tarjolla olleet mahdollisuudet eivät useinkaan riittäneet toivotun tulevaisuuden saavuttamiseen. Maastamuutto olikin monelle tapa kuvitella parempaa tulevaisuutta niin itselle kuin perheelle, erityisesti Libanonissa ja Länsirannalla. Parempaa tulevaisuutta neuvoteltiin useita eri reittejä, ja tässä tutkimuksessa keskityn erityisesti koulutuksen, työn ja naimisiinmenon tarjoamiin mahdollisuuksiin. Vaikka myös kansalliset tulevaisuudet, Palestiina ja paluuoikeuden toteutuminen nousivat esiin näissä neuvotteluissa, ilmenivät ne kuitenkin abstraktimmalla tasolla ja eri aikajanalla, kuin tulevaisuudet, joilla haettiin parempia mahdollisuuksia saavuttaa henkilökohtaiset elämäntavoitteet ja helpotusta arjessa kohdattuihin vaikeuksiin. Palestiinalaispakolaisten tulevaisuuskäsitysten erityisyys on juuri henkilökohtaisen ja kansallisen tulevaisuuden välille muodostuvassa ristivedossa. Kansallisen narratiivin mukaan pakolaisten (erityisesti leireillä asuvien) oletetaan sisukkaasti odottavan paluuta, kestävän pakolaisuuden haasteet ja taistelevan kansallisten tavoitteiden puolesta. Samanaikaisesti pakolaiset kuitenkin pyrkivät parantamaan arkeaan, elinolosuhteitaan ja mahdollisuuksiaan tarjolla olevin keinoin. Etnografiassani painottui erityisesti tämä henkilökohtainen puoli ja se, että kansallisten tavoitteiden saavuttamisen ei koettu pystyvän tarjoamaan parannusta pakolaisuuden historian muovaamiin nykyolosuhteisiin riittävän nopealla aikataululla. Väitänkin, että henkilökohtaisten tulevaisuuksien ensisijaisuus heijastaa leireillä asuvien palestiinalaisten kohtaamia vaikeuksia: heidän asemansa ja tulevaisuutensa ei ole tarpeeksi turvattu, jotta he voisivat odottaa ja keskittyä kansallisten tavoitteiden ajamiseen. Sen sijaan palestiinalaispakolaiset ovat pakotettuja tarttumaan tällä hetkellä tarjolla oleviin vaihtoehtoihin ja pyrkimään niihin suuntiin, joissa mahdollisuudet parempaan elämään ovat tarjolla. ; Palestinian refugee camps have been housing Palestinians for seven decades. They were formed after 1948, when in the process of establishing Israel as a Jewish state the majority of Palestinians living in Mandatory Palestine were dispossessed. Over these decades, the camps have become a durable part of the Middle Eastern landscape, and several generations of refugees have already been born, and are living, in them. Despite the fact that Palestinian camps have also been framed as temporary, not only by definition but also in the national narratives stressing the right to return to Palestine, in practice the camps have become sites where lives are lived and futures built. Due to their long history, unique institutional framework, and strong connotation as centers of Palestinian political struggle, Palestinian refugee camps have their own specificities that affect how they frame the life of their dwellers. Yet, this dissertation is not an ethnography of the camps per se; the aim is rather to look through them in order to explore the manifold futures that are negotiated by the Palestinian refugees dwelling in them, and especially by those just reaching adulthood. This ethnographic study has been conducted in several refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, and the West Bank. A multi-sited approach was adopted with the presumption that the context of refugeeness affects the ways in which futures are imagined. Palestinian refugees have been positioned differently in these places: as stateless and excluded in Lebanon, as refugee-citizens in Jordan, and as being among their own people yet enduring the difficulties of the oppressive Israeli occupation in the West Bank. Understanding these contextual specificities in the different host sovereigns has hence been central to the aims of this work. In this dissertation I argue, in line with ontological hermeneutics, that it is not possible to explore the future without first addressing the differing pasts and present conditions of the refugees. Therefore, to understand these differing experiences of Palestinian refugees living under the three host sovereigns, I start by looking at the histories that form the present realities through which Palestinians look to, have hopes for, and plan for their futures. The histories of Palestinian refugeeness have witnessed violence, multiple displacements, and enduring uncertainty. In all the fields that were included in this research it was the camp that embodied the difficulties of being a refugee. The material living conditions, crowdedness, camp community, and relations with the surrounding area and society, as well as the identificational and political connotations, have all affected how the camps have been experienced as places of dwelling by my interlocutors. In many ways they were considered inadequate in terms of providing the hoped-for standards of living, yet simultaneously they formed a significant community that was viewed from a positive perspective, though more so in the West Bank and Jordan than in Lebanon. Nevertheless, while the camps functioned as a marker of Palestinian refugeeness, and were even equated with Palestine and the right of return, as everyday spatialities they left much to be desired. Similarly, this research shows that the possibilities available to the refugees under the host sovereigns were not usually enough for my interlocutors to achieve their aspirations. Hence many – especially in Lebanon and the West Bank, though for different reasons – have come to consider that emigration could fulfil their hopes and provide better conditions for them and their families. Better futures were negotiated via different routes – education, employment, and marriage being the ones explored here. While both return and the national future of Palestine also emerged in these negotiations, they were situated in a different, more abstract timeframe, not one that could provide better possibilities or enhancements in the deprived conditions faced in everyday life. The specificity of Palestinian refugees' negotiations on the future nevertheless emerges from this discrepancy between the national and the personal. On the level of national discourse, Palestinian refugees (especially those living in camps) are people steadfastly waiting for the return, enduring life in the camp and fighting for the national cause. However, on the level of the everyday, they are – as is anyone – aiming to improve their situation with the means available and, as became evident in my ethnography, in the present situation and in light of past experiences those means direct their attention somewhere other than to the political objectives they hold as Palestinian refugees. This, I claim, reflects the difficulties that Palestinian refugees living in the camps face: they are not in a secure enough position to have the luxury of "waiting out" or to concentrate on the political in its national manifestation. Rather, they are forced to negotiate the options at hand, to reach out in those directions where possibilities are available.
The present research aims to analyse the phenomenon of unaccompanied minors arriving from Morocco to the European Union from 2010 to 2021. This recent migratory phenomenon supposes an emerging challenge for governments, international organisations, and societies, in order to guarantee the protection of children according the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN, 1989). The research focuses on the children «on the move», travelling alone from Morocco and arriving in Spain through the Strait of Gibraltar. The so-called Western Mediterranean Migratory Route has become one of the gateways to Europe. Spain hosts nowadays a big community of Moroccan unaccompanied minors and Catalonia has become the second Spanish Autonomous Community with a major number of unaccompanied minors, only surpassed by the enclave of Melilla located on the very border of Morocco. The present research gives special attention to the study of the Amazigh Nationalism question, as something to look at among the reasons why Moroccan unaccompanied minors migrate to Europe, choosing, particularly, Catalonia as a model to pursuit an Amazigh nation. ; A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o fenómeno da chegada de menores não acompanhados provenientes de Marrocos à União Europeia entre 2010 a 2021. Este fenómeno migratório recente supõe um desafio emergente para governos, organizações internacionais e sociedade para garantir a proteção de crianças segundo a Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos da Criança (ONU, 1989). A pesquisa centra-se nas crianças em trânsito que vêm sozinhas de Marrocos e chegam à Espanha pelo Estreito de Gibraltar. A chamada Rota Migratória do Mediterrâneo Ocidental tornou-se uma das portas de entrada para a Europa. Por seu lado, a Espanha acolhe hoje uma grande comunidade de menores não acompanhados marroquinos e, em particular, a Catalunha tornou-se a segunda Comunidade Autónoma Espanhola com maior número de menores não acompanhados, apenas superada por Melilla localizada na fronteira de Marrocos. A ...
Marca tipográfica en portada ; Iniciales y frisos grabados xilográficos ; Texto con apostillas marginales ; Copia digital. Madrid : Ministerio de Cultura. Subdirección General de Coordinación Bibliotecaria, 2008
This PhD thesis seeks to contribute towards closing a research gap in the knowledge about the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) as an African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) authorised peace enforcement operation. In so doing, the study covers the period 2007-2017 and attempts to fulfil three broad objectives. Firstly, it examines the implementation of AMISOM mandate amidst foreign interventions and their underlying implications for the strategic AU-UN partnership. Secondly, the thesis attempts to examine any significant changes towards the implementation of the mandate by assessing the evolution of AMISOM's decade-long presence in Somalia. The analysis focuses on whether AMISOM has morphed into an exercise in self-interest or still pursuing the shared strategic objectives for which it was established. Thirdly, the study confronts the theoretical idea imposed by Western ideologies to export liberal democracy through peacekeeping operations, especially as it relates to regional peace operations. In a sense, it contrasts between liberalism and realism vis-à-vis peacekeeping operations in order to account for the case of AMISOM given the involvement of frontline states whose realist strategy in Somalia has presented a major dilemma. Given the latitude, the study adopts an interdisciplinary and mixed methodology approach in its analysis of foreign interventions and the pursuit of illicit commercial interests in a conflict economy milieu marked by attempts to counter al-Shabaab in Somalia. As a qualitative research, the study relies on primary and secondary data sources including relevant articles and journals, although aspects of quantitative method have also been used where appropriate. ; Esta tese de doutoramento visa contribuir para o preenchimento de uma lacuna de pesquisa no conhecimento sobre a Missão da União Africana na Somália (AMISOM), como uma operação de imposição da paz autorizada pela União Africana (UA) e endossada pelas Nações Unidas (ONU). O âmbito do estudo abrange o período 2007- 2017 e ambiciona cumprir três objetivos principais. Em primeiro lugar, examina a implementação do mandato da AMISOM no meio de intervenções estrangeiras e as suas implicações subjacentes para a parceria estratégica UA-ONU. Em segundo lugar, a tese tenta examinar quaisquer mudanças significativas em relação à implementação do mandato, avaliando a evolução da AMISOM após uma década de presença na Somália. A análise concentra-se em determinar se a AMISOM se transformou num exercício em interesse próprio ou se ainda persegue os objetivos estratégicos comuns para os quais foi estabelecida. Em terceiro lugar, o estudo confronta a ideia teórica imposta pelas ideologias ocidentais para exportar a democracia liberal por meio de operações de manutenção da paz, especialmente no que se refere as operações de paz regionais. Em certo sentido, contrasta entre liberalismo e realismo face às operações de manutenção da paz com vista a contextualizar o caso da AMISOM, dado o envolvimento dos Estados da linha da frente, cuja estratégia realista na Somália apresentou um grande dilema. Dada a latitude, o estudo adopta uma abordagem metodológica interdisciplinar e mista, na análise de intervenções estrangeiras e a prossecução de interesses comerciais ilícitos, num ambiente de economia de guerra marcado por tentativas de conter o "al-Shabaab" na Somália. Tratando-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, o estudo baseia-se principalmente em fontes primárias e secundárias, incluindo artigos e periódicos relevantes, embora alguns aspectos do método quantitativo tenham sido também aplicados.
Vol. 2: 7, [1] text leaves (the last blank), [61] double-page leaves of plates; for collation of v. 1, see Fowler. The etched plans, elevations and views have legends in Middle French and Latin. T.p. purely typographic, but the text with head and tail pieces, initials. ; Fowler ; Cicognara, ; Mode of access: Internet. ; In Getty c. 1 the plate leaves are numbered 1-110 in brown ink, and the "Table des bastimens" on t.p. verso has been numbered accordingly. The plates also have later numbering from 1 to 57 in pencil at the upper right-hand corners. On leaf 7r the description of "Beauregard" has been annotated in the margin with an excerpt from abbé Jean Joseph d'Expilly's Dictionnaire géographique, historique et politique des Gaules et de la France (1762-1770). ; Binding, c. 1: old vellum. Title written at head of spine: Chateaux / de / Ducerceau. Holes for two pairs of ties at foredge. Centered on front pastedown is Giovanni Muzio's etched bookplate by Giacomo Manzù. Binding, c. 2: old sheepskin, rebacked and repaired. Spine now gold tooled, with author and title on red label. ; Library's copies incomplete: both lack v. 1. In addition c. 1 lacks one of the plates for Dampierre ("Estuues") and the three plates for Bury.
Erstlich in Latinischer Sprache verfärtigt, vnnd in Sechs vnd zwentzig Bücher getheylt, Durch Johannem Sleidanum der Rechten Licentiaten. Hernach aber mit sonderem fleise in rechtgeschaffen Teutsch gebracht, . Durch Michaelem Beuther von Carlstatt, Der Rechten Doctorn ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 2 Eur. 68 m-1/2
