Suchergebnisse

The literature on nation building has, to date, been UNcentric. However, increasingly, regional & global powers step in unilaterally or as part of coalitions to remove authoritarian leaders or end drawn out civil wars. These "interested" powers spearhead nation-building in the transitional period that ensues. While the UN has been criticized for its approach to nation-building, several differences emerge between its style & that of "interested" powers, namely as regards the importance given to the reestablishment of order & security as well as the willingness to use coercion rather than incentives. But is this more muscled style of intervention more likely to succeed? Does it fare better in empowering local societies & allowing them to take control of the nation-building process? The research offers preliminary answers to these questions by comparing Syria's intervention in the post-civil war nation building in Lebanon & the United State's current efforts in post-Saddam Iraq. Adapted from the source document.

Résumé Le préambule de la Constitution croate définit la Croatie en tant « qu'État national de la nation Croate et État des membres des minorités nationales autochtones ». Selon une partie des chefs politique serbes du début des années 1990, cette exacte définition encouragea le nationalisme serbe en Croatie et légitima la révolte d'une partie de la population. Bien que la proclamation de l'État-nation ne soit pas nécessairement liée à l'émergence d'un ethno-nationalisme, la déclaration de l'État croate en 1991 a clairement aggravé un mécontentement d'une partie de la population qui, à l'époque, comptait pour 12.5 %. Des politiques agressives de construction étatique ont été justifiées par le gouvernement de l'époque par le fait qu'un tiers du territoire était occupé par des rebelles serbes. Malgré cela, les relations interethniques ont perduré jusqu'à aujourd'hui, les droits des minorités se sont constamment améliorés après le changement de gouvernement en 2000, cela étant certainement due aux perspectives d'adhésion offertes aux pays. Cet article tentera d'analyser le processus de construction étatique croate dans les années quatre-vingt-dix tout en ayant un regard critique sur la position officielle vis-à-vis des minorités. En conséquence, cet article décrira le changement de la position officiel envers les minorités, ce qui est une résultante directe du processus d'intégration. La méthodologie utilisée dans la préparation de cet article a inclus une recherche documentaire sur le conflit ethnique, la mobilisation ethnique de même que le règlement du conflit en Croatie ainsi que des entretiens avec des acteurs ayant pris part aux accords de paix. L'analyse normative a requis une recherche de textes sur les accords de paix mais aussi les dispositions administrant les droits des minorités, droits de l'homme etc. L'analyse empirique m'a amené à croiser les motivations et intérêts des acteurs qui ont pris part à la préparation des lois sur les droits des minorités et les accords de paix.

Introduction / Prélude. - Myriam Ababsa: Introduction. Citoyenneté et question urbaine en Jordanie . - Myriam Ababsa: Introduction. Citizenship and Urban Issues in Jordan . - Rami Farouk Daher: Prelude. Understanding Cultural Changeand Urban Transformations: Qualifying Amman: The City of Many Hats / Changement culturel et transformations urbaines à Amman : la ville aux nombreux chapeaux . - PREMIERE PARTIE. VILLES ET CONSTRUCTION NATIONALE / FIRST PART. CITIES ANT NATION BUILDING. - Ali Mahafazah: Histoire de la construction nationale jordanienne / History of Jordan's Nation Building . - Philippe Droz-Vincent: Cities, Urban Notables and the State in Jordan / Villes, notables urbains et État en Jordanie . - Christine Jungen : Narrations denses : la révolte comme mode d'affiliation à l'État hachémite / Thick narratives: Revolt as a Means of Affiliation to the Hashemite State . - Irene Maffi: The Creation of Jordanian National Identity. A Short Museographic Story of a Complex Process / La création de l'identité nationale jordanienne. Petite histoire muséographique d'un processus complexe . - DEUXIEME PARTIE. POLITIQUES URBAINES ET DISPARITES SOCIALES / SECOND PART. URBAN POLITICS AND SOCIAL DISPARITIES. - Hussein Abu Roumman: La représentation des villes au parlement jordanien / The Representation of Towns in the Jordanian Parliament . - Jalal al-Husseini: The Evolution of the Palestinian Refugee Camps in Jordan. Between Logics of Exclusion and Integration / L'évolution des camps de réfugiés palestiniens en Jordanie. Entre logiques d'exclusion et d'intégration . - Myriam Ababsa: Social Disparities and Public Policies in Amman / Disparités sociales et politiques publiques à Amman . - Lise Debout: La gestion des déchets en Jordanie : l'identité nationale au risque de la mondialisation ? / Management Waste in Jordan: National Identity at Risk from Globalization? . - TROISIEME PARTIE. NEOLIBERALISME ET TRANSFORMATIONS URBAINES / THIRD PART. NEOLIBERALISM AND URBAN TRANFORM

L'accord Sykes-Picot est souvent évoqué dans le contexte de la guerre qui se déroule en Syrie depuis 2011. Multiconfessionnel, le pays est menacé d'un éclatement qui remettrait en question les frontières tracées par l'accord Sykes-Picot. Quant au projet américain d'un « Grand Moyen Orient », il redécouperait la région sur des bases confessionnelles. L'irruption d'éléments djihadistes au nord de l'Irak au lendemain de la rédaction du présent article souligne la réalité des défis posés aux États de la région. La Syrie mandataire est une entité multiconfessionnelle et multiethnique qui évolue vers la formation nationale. Mais elle est gouvernée selon des critères confessionnels et ethniques. L'article se penche sur la dynamique contradictoire de la politique française qui se traduit par l'inclusion formelle d'autant d'habitants que possible dans l'État syrien, mais aussi par sa segmentation sur des bases communautaires et confessionnelles. Plutôt qu'à l'action officielle de la France, il s'intéresse au regard porté par la presse française sur cette corrélation problématique.

This study has for object an exploration of the process of independence and nation building in Paraguay, which took place between 1811 and 1840 under the auspices of Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia. The case of Paraguay is singular in many regards. Beginning in 1811, this province of the Spanish Empire embarked upon a process of independence from both Madrid and Buenos Aires, the capital of the viceroyalty of Río de la Plata. In 1813, the Republic was proclaimed, and, from 1814 until his death, Dr. Francia, after having been elected as dictator, singlehandedly governed the country. These choices were both rapid, and definitive, and give rise to many questions. Dr. Francia was able to implement certain underlying aspirations. These aspirations had their roots in the preceding colonial period, which was characterized by its linguistic, demographic, political, andhistorical differences and by its isolation, abandonment, poverty, and the oppression under which it suffered. The originality of Dr. Francia's contribution had to do with the fact that he not only conveyed a clearly defined political project which responded to the problems of the past, but also that he proposed innovative means by which he could bring his projects to fruition. He relied fundamentally on discourse in order to arrive at his ends. This discourse was disseminated across multiple channels; furthermore, his various communications encountered no competition, this too contributed to their success. This continuing discourse revolved around the ideas of memory and liberty, as well as promoting the value of republican institutions and the concept of patriotism. Additionally, Dr. Francia used the figure of the foreigner under any guise as the basis for the negative side of his nationalist rhetoric. By portraying the foreigner as a menacing "other", Francia was able to consolidate the identity defining the particularities of a new "us" group, Paraguayans who, henceforth, belonged to an independent republic. ; Ce travail interroge le processus ...

This study has for object an exploration of the process of independence and nation building in Paraguay, which took place between 1811 and 1840 under the auspices of Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia. The case of Paraguay is singular in many regards. Beginning in 1811, this province of the Spanish Empire embarked upon a process of independence from both Madrid and Buenos Aires, the capital of the viceroyalty of Río de la Plata. In 1813, the Republic was proclaimed, and, from 1814 until his death, Dr. Francia, after having been elected as dictator, singlehandedly governed the country. These choices were both rapid, and definitive, and give rise to many questions. Dr. Francia was able to implement certain underlying aspirations. These aspirations had their roots in the preceding colonial period, which was characterized by its linguistic, demographic, political, andhistorical differences and by its isolation, abandonment, poverty, and the oppression under which it suffered. The originality of Dr. Francia's contribution had to do with the fact that he not only conveyed a clearly defined political project which responded to the problems of the past, but also that he proposed innovative means by which he could bring his projects to fruition. He relied fundamentally on discourse in order to arrive at his ends. This discourse was disseminated across multiple channels; furthermore, his various communications encountered no competition, this too contributed to their success. This continuing discourse revolved around the ideas of memory and liberty, as well as promoting the value of republican institutions and the concept of patriotism. Additionally, Dr. Francia used the figure of the foreigner under any guise as the basis for the negative side of his nationalist rhetoric. By portraying the foreigner as a menacing "other", Francia was able to consolidate the identity defining the particularities of a new "us" group, Paraguayans who, henceforth, belonged to an independent republic. ; Ce travail interroge le processus d'indépendance et de construction de la nation au Paraguay, réalisé principalement sous l'égide du Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia entre 1811 et 1840. Le cas paraguayen présente de nombreuses singularités. Dès 1811, cette province de l'empire espagnol choisit sans hésitation la voie de l'indépendance vis-à-vis de Madrid comme de Buenos Aires, la capitale de la vice-royauté du Río de la Plata dont elle dépend. En 1813, la république est proclamée et, de 1814 jusqu'à sa mort en 1840, le Dr. Francia dirige seul le pays après en avoir été élu dictateur. Ces choix si rapides et définitifs, surtout comparés à la situation que vivent d'autres régions de l'empire au même moment, posent question. Le Dr. Francia se fait l'interprète d'aspirations qui prennent leurs racines dans la période coloniale qui précède et qui se caractérisepar ses particularismes linguistique, démographique, politique et historique, et l'isolation, l'abandon, la pauvreté et l'oppression dont elle souffre. L'originalité de la contribution du Dr. Francia tient au fait qu'il est porteur d'un projet politique clair qui répond à ce passé et, également, aux moyens dont il use pour le mener à bien. Il s'appuie essentiellement sur son discours pour y parvenir. Ce discours repose sur de multiples modes de diffusions, il opère également sans concurrence, ce qui contribue grandement à son efficacité. D'une part, il s'articule autour des notions de mémoire, de liberté et de valorisation des institutions républicaines et des concepts de patrie et patriotisme. D'autre part, le Dr. Francia fait de la figure de l'étranger, sous toutes sesformes, la pierre angulaire et le versant négatif de sa rhétorique nationaliste. En dépeignant l'étranger sous les traits menaçants de « l'autre », le Dr. Francia consolide l'identité et les particularismes d'un nouveau groupe « nous », que constituent désormais les Paraguayens de république indépendante.

This study has for object an exploration of the process of independence and nation building in Paraguay, which took place between 1811 and 1840 under the auspices of Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia. The case of Paraguay is singular in many regards. Beginning in 1811, this province of the Spanish Empire embarked upon a process of independence from both Madrid and Buenos Aires, the capital of the viceroyalty of Río de la Plata. In 1813, the Republic was proclaimed, and, from 1814 until his death, Dr. Francia, after having been elected as dictator, singlehandedly governed the country. These choices were both rapid, and definitive, and give rise to many questions. Dr. Francia was able to implement certain underlying aspirations. These aspirations had their roots in the preceding colonial period, which was characterized by its linguistic, demographic, political, andhistorical differences and by its isolation, abandonment, poverty, and the oppression under which it suffered. The originality of Dr. Francia's contribution had to do with the fact that he not only conveyed a clearly defined political project which responded to the problems of the past, but also that he proposed innovative means by which he could bring his projects to fruition. He relied fundamentally on discourse in order to arrive at his ends. This discourse was disseminated across multiple channels; furthermore, his various communications encountered no competition, this too contributed to their success. This continuing discourse revolved around the ideas of memory and liberty, as well as promoting the value of republican institutions and the concept of patriotism. Additionally, Dr. Francia used the figure of the foreigner under any guise as the basis for the negative side of his nationalist rhetoric. By portraying the foreigner as a menacing "other", Francia was able to consolidate the identity defining the particularities of a new "us" group, Paraguayans who, henceforth, belonged to an independent republic. ; Ce travail interroge le processus d'indépendance et de construction de la nation au Paraguay, réalisé principalement sous l'égide du Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia entre 1811 et 1840. Le cas paraguayen présente de nombreuses singularités. Dès 1811, cette province de l'empire espagnol choisit sans hésitation la voie de l'indépendance vis-à-vis de Madrid comme de Buenos Aires, la capitale de la vice-royauté du Río de la Plata dont elle dépend. En 1813, la république est proclamée et, de 1814 jusqu'à sa mort en 1840, le Dr. Francia dirige seul le pays après en avoir été élu dictateur. Ces choix si rapides et définitifs, surtout comparés à la situation que vivent d'autres régions de l'empire au même moment, posent question. Le Dr. Francia se fait l'interprète d'aspirations qui prennent leurs racines dans la période coloniale qui précède et qui se caractérisepar ses particularismes linguistique, démographique, politique et historique, et l'isolation, l'abandon, la pauvreté et l'oppression dont elle souffre. L'originalité de la contribution du Dr. Francia tient au fait qu'il est porteur d'un projet politique clair qui répond à ce passé et, également, aux moyens dont il use pour le mener à bien. Il s'appuie essentiellement sur son discours pour y parvenir. Ce discours repose sur de multiples modes de diffusions, il opère également sans concurrence, ce qui contribue grandement à son efficacité. D'une part, il s'articule autour des notions de mémoire, de liberté et de valorisation des institutions républicaines et des concepts de patrie et patriotisme. D'autre part, le Dr. Francia fait de la figure de l'étranger, sous toutes sesformes, la pierre angulaire et le versant négatif de sa rhétorique nationaliste. En dépeignant l'étranger sous les traits menaçants de « l'autre », le Dr. Francia consolide l'identité et les particularismes d'un nouveau groupe « nous », que constituent désormais les Paraguayens de république indépendante.

National construction and neo-ritualization: anthropological analysis of the celebration of the Kurdish New Year (Newroz). This study deals with the gradual transformation of representations, beliefs and practices associated with celebration of New Year Newroz by the national Kurdish movement in Turkey. The research looks at Newroz as an invented tradition and explores the functions of this form of neo-ritualization in the construction of collective identifications with the Kurdish nation.Part 1 positions the integration of this festival with Zoroastrian origins in the symbolic repertoire of Kurdish ethno-cultural nationalism and describes the functions it performs in the context of the recomposition of state frontiers in the post-Ottoman Middle East. In the second part, the research focuses on the symbolic redevelopments undergone by the Newroz tradition after adoption of a Marxist ideology by certain factions of the Kurdish national movement starting in the 1960s. The research centres on the one hand on modification of the representations and beliefs associated with the New Year and, on the other, on the modification in practices associated with its celebration in the 1990s, from which point it became the arena of violent clashes with the security forces. The study then focuses on institutionalisation of the Newroz tradition by two competing nationalisms. The research initially focuses on the reintegration of the invented tradition, now written Nevruz, in the symbolic repertoire of Turkish nationalism, by detailing the unprecedented functions of the (re)invented tradition in this new context. In a second phase, the research explores the cultural policies currently implemented by elected members of the legal pro-Kurdish party holding municipal power in the south-east of Turkey and proposes an anthropological analysis of the contemporary New Year celebration by the national Kurdish movement in Turkey.The main theoretical interest of this study is that it resituates the question of the rigidity of invented ...

National construction and neo-ritualization: anthropological analysis of the celebration of the Kurdish New Year (Newroz). This study deals with the gradual transformation of representations, beliefs and practices associated with celebration of New Year Newroz by the national Kurdish movement in Turkey. The research looks at Newroz as an invented tradition and explores the functions of this form of neo-ritualization in the construction of collective identifications with the Kurdish nation.Part 1 positions the integration of this festival with Zoroastrian origins in the symbolic repertoire of Kurdish ethno-cultural nationalism and describes the functions it performs in the context of the recomposition of state frontiers in the post-Ottoman Middle East. In the second part, the research focuses on the symbolic redevelopments undergone by the Newroz tradition after adoption of a Marxist ideology by certain factions of the Kurdish national movement starting in the 1960s. The research centres on the one hand on modification of the representations and beliefs associated with the New Year and, on the other, on the modification in practices associated with its celebration in the 1990s, from which point it became the arena of violent clashes with the security forces. The study then focuses on institutionalisation of the Newroz tradition by two competing nationalisms. The research initially focuses on the reintegration of the invented tradition, now written Nevruz, in the symbolic repertoire of Turkish nationalism, by detailing the unprecedented functions of the (re)invented tradition in this new context. In a second phase, the research explores the cultural policies currently implemented by elected members of the legal pro-Kurdish party holding municipal power in the south-east of Turkey and proposes an anthropological analysis of the contemporary New Year celebration by the national Kurdish movement in Turkey.The main theoretical interest of this study is that it resituates the question of the rigidity of invented ...