Suchergebnisse

Using the method of assigning attributes, the image of political parties represented in the Croatian parliament was researched. This research was conducted on a sample of Zagreb U students. The image was determined, as was its associations, & positiveness. Using factor analysis four dimensions were found, in which the first & most important is related to the image of democratic activity of the party, while the other three are indicative of political platforms -- social, traditional, & nation-building. The political parties were found to differ significantly according to their position on each dimension. 5 Tables, 3 Figures, 7 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.

The methodological assumptions of rational choice theory -- methodological individualism & rationality -- are not generally considered suitable for analyzing nations. Nevertheless, if we accept that the political process is at least partially rational, & that nation-building & change are part of that process, this will provide an opening to look at nations from the unorthodox perspective of rational choice. The club theory, as part of rational choice theory, offers great opportunities for establishing analogies between clubs & nations, & thus for shedding new light on some features of modern polities. Establishing a polity, by the club analogy, entails two basic selections: the selection of members & the selection of a sovereign territory that will serve to provide physical protection & material resources for its members. The choice of membership is in general based on the choice of desirable membership characteristics (usually cultural ones). The choice of a sovereign territory is linked to the decision on the part of the members to engage in collective action to acquire the sovereign territory. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is the claim that, despite integrative tendencies, the number of national states in the world is on the increase. The opposing national interests & conflicts may be mitigated or avoided if the central concepts & issues, the ways of the accommodation of interests, & the features of the postcommunist transitions are known. The author explains the concepts & issues such as nation, ethnic group, national state, nationalism, protection of minorities, right to self-determination, decentralization, autonomy, federalism, consociational democracy, & nonterritorial autonomy. He focuses on the issues that reflect the current controversies of both global & national policies. He concludes that, among other things, the national issues are central to the process of transition & they cannot be ignored (since nations are a reality, which must be coped with); there are principles & mechanisms of the regulation of the conflicting national interests; democracy & nation-building are not incompatible but contradictory notions; democratic societies are nationally tolerant; & resolution of the national question is a prerequisite for democratic transition. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se analizira ideja nacije Antuna Gustava Matoša (1873. – 1914.), odnosno konstitutivni elementi koji čine njezine temelje. Polazeći od pretpostavke da nacija nije proizvoljni politički konstrukt jednoga vremena nego proizvod povijesne evolucije niza kohezivnih identifikacijskih čimbenika određene skupine ljudi, nastojimo izdvojiti njezinu formulu u hrvatskim okvirima. Temeljne sastavnice Matoševe ideje nacije sukladne su srednjoeuropskomu načelu razvoja nacija pa analiziramo njegove misli o jeziku, teritoriju, povijesnome iskustvu te mitovima i simbolima svojstvenima za ljude sa zajedničkim etničkim podrijetlom. U skladu s tezom da se nacija politički želi ostvariti u državi, posebna se pozornost pridaje istociljnomu političkom i gospodarskomu djelovanju koji otkrivaju važnost voljnoga elementa u izgradnji i bivanju dijelom nacije. Matoševa ideja nacije otkriva se kao koherentan, dinamičan i interkulturan ideal koji odbacuje isključivost nacionalističkoga diskursa te tako i danas pokazuje aktualnost i korisnost. ; The paper analyzes idea of nation of Antun Gustav Matoš (1873 – 1914), i.e. constitutive elements which form its foundations. Starting from the presupposition that nation is not an arbitrary political construction of one time but a product of historical evolution of a number of cohesive identification factors of a certain group of people, we are trying to sort out its formula in Croatian frameworks. Basic components of Matoš's idea of nation are coherent with Middle-European principle of nations' development, so we analyze his thoughts about language, territory, historical experience, myths and symbols characteristic for people with common ethnic origin. In accordance to the thesis that a nation wants to be politically accomplished in a state, special attention is given to the same political and economic activity which reveals significance of willing element in building and being a part of a nation. Matoš's idea of nation is revealed as a coherent, dynamic and intercultural ideal which rejects exclusiveness of the nationalist discourse and therefore it shows its actuality and usefulness.

The author's starting point is the claim that, despite integrative tendencies, the number of national states in the world is on the increase. The opposing national interests & conflicts may be mitigated or avoided if the central concepts & issues, the ways of the accommodation of interests & the features of the post-communist transitions are known. The author explains the concepts & issues such as nation, ethnic group, national state, nationalism, protection of minorities, the right to self-determination, decentralization, autonomy, federalism, consociational democracy, & non-territorial autonomy. He focuses on the issues that reflect the current controversies of the global & the national policies. He concludes that, among other things, the national issues are central to the process of transition & that they cannot be ignored (since nations are a reality which must be coped with), that there are principles & mechanisms of the regulation of the conflicting national interests, that democracy & nation-building are not incompatible but contradictory notions, that democratic societies are nationally tolerant, that the resolution of the national question is a prerequisite for democratic transition. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se objašnjava značaj povjerenja i razmatra značaj izgradnje povjerenja kao uvjeta stabilnosti europskog jugoistoka. Izdvojen je pojam povjerenja, a za teorijsku metodu koristila se Fukuyamina metoda povjerenja. Naglasak je stavljen na potrebu izgradnje demokratske kulture. U zatvorenom društvu ne može se biti spontan, kao što se ne može otvoriti a da se nema povjerenje u najbližoj životnoj i radnoj okolini. Jedan od zaključaka je da se termini otvorenost, spontanost i povjerenje ne mogu suprotstavljati. Oni su komplementarni i značajni za održavanje prijateljstva, sloge i sklada ; This paper explains the importance of trust and discusses the importance of building trust as the stability conditions in Southeast Europe. Set aside the notion of trust, and the theoretical methods used to Fukuyama's method of confidence. Emphasisis placed on the need to build a democratic culture.In a closed society can not be spontaneous, as it can not be opened and that there is no confidence in the nearest environmental and working conditions. One conclusion is that the terms openness, spontaneity and confidence can not resist. They are complementary and important for the maintenance of friendship, unity and harmony.

U radu se kroz pregled postojećih istraživanja analizira pojam organizacijske legitimnosti startupova, te glavne značajke procesa izgradnje legitimiteta startupova kroz digitalni kontekst grupnog financiranja (crowdfunding). Crowdfunding kao jedan od novijih modela financiranja predstavlja, između ostalog, jedan od mogućih kanala kreiranja organizacijskog legitimiteta, tj. strategiju vrednovanja idejnog koncepta startupova i pribavljanja resursa. U takvom digitalnom okruženju legitimnost te posljedično uspješnost realizacije poslovnog koncepta na tržištu, ovisi o specifičnostima digitalnog okruženja i institucionalne logike sudionika dvostrane digitalne platforme. Svrha rada je istražiti koncept organizacijske legitimnosti startup poduzetnika u kontekstu crowdfundinga. Cilj rada je pružiti pregled rezultata postojećih istraživanja o specifičnostima procesa izgradnje legitimiteta startupova u crowdfundingu te pretežitim teorijskim pristupima u pozadini interpretacije poduzetničkog odlučivanja u navedenom procesu. Metodološki pristup istraživanja je analiza i sinteza postojećih rezultata istraživanja temeljnog koncepta organizacijske legitimnosti te uspostavljene veze sa kontekstom crowdfundinga. Sukladno rezultatima istraživanja, navedene su implikacije i smjernice za daljnji teorijski doprinos u procesu izgradnje legitimiteta startupova, kao i praktične implikacije usmjerene prvenstveno startupovima te ostalim dionicima poduzetničkog ekosustava u okviru crowdfundinga. ; The paper analyzes the concept of organizational legitimacy of startups and the main features of the process of building the legitimacy of startups through the digital context of crowdfunding. Crowdfunding represents one of the recent models of financing for entrepreneurs, as well as the possible channel for creating organizational legitimacy, ie the strategy of evaluating the initial value concept of startups and the strategy of obtaining resources. In such a digital environment, the legitimacy and consequently the success of the realization of ...

Odluke u javnim poduzećima ne donose se isključivo na temelju kriterija profitabilnosti, već je riječ o objedinjavanju kriterija tržišnosti i javnosti. Unatoč raznolikosti ciljeva koje projektima u javnom sektoru treba zadovoljiti te činjenici da se odluke donose političkim procesom pregovaranja između dionika, podloga donošenju odluka treba biti analiza troškova i koristi. Pri tome treba uključiti sve koristi: materijalne i nematerijalne, izravne i posredne. Valja imati na umu da projekt treba biti troškovno pokriven kako u fazi izgradnje, tako i u fazi korištenja i održavanja. U ovome radu analiziraju se odluke u javnom poduzeću HAC s naglaskom na upravljačke odluke pri izgradnji autoceste A1. Ciljevi izgradnje ove autoceste bili su povezivanje državnoga prostora, povezivanje s europskom mrežom autocesta, razvoj turizma te povećanje sigurnosti prometa. Ti su ciljevi ostvareni. No nisu ostvareni željeni ciljevi povećanja razvoja, posebno gospodarskoga razvoja ruralnih i slabije naseljenih područja te zadržavanja i povećanja broja stanovnika. Tržišni ciljevi projekta također nisu ostvareni. Troškovi izgradnje dionice od Bosiljeva do Splita premašili su planirane troškove za 3 milijarde kuna. Prihodi su od 2015. do 2017. godine bili u prosjeku 500 milijuna kuna manji od projiciranih. Na temelju ovih podataka nameće se pitanje je li autocestu A1 trebalo graditi s pomoću kredita ili putem javno-privatnog partnerstva. S obzirom na pogreške u projekcijama, može se pretpostaviti da bi model javno-privatnog partnerstva podrazumijevao realniju procjenu prometne dinamike, nižu cijenu gradnje, bolje upravljanje prihodima, ali i postupniju gradnju. ; Decision-making in public companies does not take place solely based on profitability criteria, but it concerns the merging of market and public criteria. However, despite the diversity of objectives that public sector projects need to meet, and the fact that decisions are made through the process of political negotiation between stakeholders, the basis for making decisions ought to be an analysis of costs and benefits. Thus, it should include all benefits, both material and immaterial, direct and indirect. Yet, one should bear in mind that the project should be cost-effective, both in the construction phase and at the stage of use and maintenance. This paper analyses decisions made in the HAC (Croatian Highways) public company with an emphasis on management decisions when building the A1 motorway. During the construction of this highway, the objectives were to connect the state territory, connect with the European highway network, develop tourism and increase traffic safety. These objectives have been achieved. However, the desired goals of increasing development, specifically the economic development of rural and less-populated areas, and the retention and increase of the population have not been achieved. The project commercial goals have also not been realized. The costs of building Bosiljevo-Split highway section exceeded the planned costs by 3 billion Croatian kuna. The revenues from 2015 to 2017 were on average 500 million Croatian kuna less than projected. Based on these data, the question is whether the A1 motorway should have been built via a loan or through a public-private partnership. Given projection errors, it can be assumed that a model of public-private partnership would have implied a more realistic assessment of traffic dynamics, lower cost of construction, better revenue management, and probably more gradual construction.

U članku se obrađuje problem europeizacije, jedan od ključnih pojmova koji se razvio unutar europskih studija u posljednjih desetak godina, od trenutka usvajanja i stupanja na snagu Maastrichtskog ugovora. U prvom dijelu obrađuju se različiti modeli europeizacije u širem kontekstu nego što je to konceptualni okvir Europske unije, u kojem se i javlja fenomen europeizacije. Stoga se pokušava izgraditi tipologija širih pristupa određivanju fenomena i procesa europeizacije, koja obuhvaća šest poimanja europeizacije: prvi je pristup geografsko-politički, gdje se pod europeizacijom poimlju promjene u vanjskim granicama Europe, od redukcijskoga svođenja Europe na zemlje Zapadne i Srednje Europe, do proširenja pojma Europe rubnim državama; drugo je poimanje europeizacije povezano s razvojem političkih institucija na europskoj razini. Treća defi nicija identifi cira europeizaciju kao izvoz oblika političke organizacije, koji polazi od iskustva europske kolonizacije, a danas se modifi cirao u širenje europskih vrijednosti snagom primjera na druge kontinente; četvrti je model europeizacije poistovjećivanje s projektom europskog ujedinjenja, s procesom integracije koji završava u federalnoj, ujedinjenoj Europi; peta je varijanta penetracija europskog modela višerazinske vladavine u nacionalne sustave vladavine, a očituje se u adaptaciji, konvergenciji i harmonizaciji političkih i pravnih sustava država članica. Autor toj klasičnoj tipologiji dodaje i šestu, koju naziva retrospektivnom europeizacijom, a koja podrazumijeva europeizaciju kao identifi kaciju s tradicionalnim europskim vrijednostima prije nastanka EZ-a i EU-a, prvenstveno s tradicijskim, kulturnim i vjerskim identitetom iz predintegracijskog razdoblja. U drugom dijelu obrađuju se razne defi nicije europeizacije koje su proizišle iz empirijskih istraživanja, a autor i tu izdvaja pet vrsta definicija koje se međutim ne isključuju, nego plastično ukazuju na složenost fenomena. Na kraju se nudi model istraživanja koji bi u hrvatskom slučaju ispitao validnost pojma ...

U članku se opisuju i komparativno analiziraju građevni i urbanistički propisi u Hrvatskoj od 1956. do 1971., kad je načelno dovršen zakonodavni okvir jugoslavenskih i hrvatskih građevnih propisa. Analizirani propisi, koji su prvi put bili stručno publicirani u repetitoriju 1956. godine, ambivalentno su nastajali na službenoj negaciji građevnoga zakonodavstva Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1946. i neslužbenom korištenju većine ukinutih propisa sve do kraja 1960-ih. Kolokvijalno poznati pod suvremenim pojmom građevinska regulativa, analizirani propisi pokazuju određenu tehničku kompetentnost u člancima koji nisu zadirali u socijalističko društveno uređenje, ali i potpunu ovisnost o tom uređenju u ostalim paragrafima, poput procedura upravnoga postupka ili toleriranja bespravne izgradnje. ; The building regulation system that was initiated in 1850 with the adoption of the 'Regulation on the Admission of Civil Engineering Students and the Introduction of State Examinations in Civil Engineering' in the Austrian Empire was repealed in 1946, through the 'Law on the Invalidity of Legal Regulations Adopted Before 6 April 1941 and During the Enemy Occupation'. The new socialist building regulation system was created through the regulations of the Yugoslav government from 1947 on; it was acceptable to use certain repealed regulations until new ones were enacted, provided they did not conflict with the newly-created socialist legal system of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. After the Federal Ministry of Construction was abolished in 1950, the technical regulations and standards were regulated at the federal level, while the administrative procedures and other legal regulations were gradually lowered to the level of the republics, including Croatia. So as to help architects, spatial planners, and other experts in the building process orient themselves in this jungle of regulations, architect Vladimir Šilhard (Schilchard) published the Revision Book of Building Regulations and Procedure in the P. R. of Croatia in the professional journal Čovjek i prostor (Man and Space) in 1956. This article also exhaustively presents and analyses the building regulations in the period from 1946, through Šilhard's unified compendium, to the enactment of the Zagreb City Master Plan in 1971. On the one hand, the 1960s period was a great challenge for adopting regulations, primarily due to the new way of building residential buildings, which were not encompassed by the then existing regulations. On the other hand, new urban legislation was needed after Zagreb spread over the river Sava to the south, where the Zagreb Fair and the first residential neighbourhoods were built, so that the city could maintain a sustainable appearance of modernity. In this sense, the master plan of 1971 represented the peak of city planning that had begun with a competition for the for the General Regulatory Basis in 1930–1931 and the enactment of the Building Regulations of 1940. The system of technical regulations and building regulation standards on the federal level was mostly complete by late 1971, and remained partially in force even after the Republic of Croatia declared its independence on 8 October 1991, lasting until Croatia joined the European Union on 1 July 2013.

Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.