Creating modern nation-states in the Eastern Baltic
In: Acta historica Universitatis Klaipedensis 38
In: Acta historica Universitatis Klaipedensis 38
Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia are nation-states that have all of the essential attributes of modern statehood. At first they had established themselves as ethnocultural nation-states, later lost their independence and then reemerged straight into the world which was hardly influenced by globalization and regional integration. The principle of "one nation, one language, one culture, one state" was already ideologically obsolete in modern discourse, however this was the basic principle on which the Baltic States were created. The nation-state in this thesis will be understood not only as territorial-political entity, but also as a social actor which puts efforts in political community building and reproducing it. In order to achieve these goals nation-state uses various institutional mechanisms; invokes legal remedies and arguments of inward values. Constructivist approach can help to investigate the processes of political community building in the Baltic States and to identify substantial fields of politics that determine the perception of political community. This also allows comparing them in a broader perspective – with "ideal types" of nation-state that appeared in the West. History, language and citizenship – these are the attributes that provide the political communities of the Baltic States with content and form; therefore the comparison of the policies towards those attributes indicates differences which determine different models of political community-shaping in the Baltic States. Latvian and Estonian models resemble the "German" type of nation-state, while Lithuanian model seems to go through the transformation – recedes from historically closest "German" model and approaches "French" type of nation-state. Such tendencies are determined by cultural experiences, ethnic composition and by giving importance to a particular historical heritage.
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This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.
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This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.
BASE
This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.
BASE
This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.
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Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a
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Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a
BASE
Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a
BASE
Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a
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The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.
BASE
The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.
BASE
The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.
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In: Politologija, Heft 1, S. 157-167
ISSN: 1392-1681
500 years ago both a doctrine and institution of sovereignty were created; both were changed frequently in order to meet contemporaneous political demands. After World War I a system of sovereign nation-states was formed, which has become extremely conservative and suspicious towards any change in the status quo. If history has taught us anything, it is to doubt any theory or ideology that claims to have knowledge of the end of sovereignty. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. This work contains history of sovereignty, history of the globalization processes, the limits of sovereignty of nation-states and challenges of the globalization. Work consists of 8 parts: English and Lithuanian summary, Preface, History of sovereignty, Survey of globalization and its processes, Limits of suvereignty, Conclusion, Literature
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