Suchergebnisse

U radu je riječ o fikcionalnome svijetu Heiniricha Bölla koji je u velikoj mjeri obilježen traumatičnim iskustvom rata i nacionalsocijalizma te poslijeratnoga njemačkog suočavanja s vlastitom prošlosti i traženjem lijeka za svoju i tuđu muku. Iz tih se trauma iskristaliziralo i nekoliko ključnih tema Böllova pjesništva: rat, politika, moralne i vjerske nedoumice i – kao prevladavajuća – čovjek sa svojim strahovima i bespomoćnosti, ali i neočekivanom vitalnosti, hrabrosti ili dobrotom u vrtlogu rata te poslijeratnoj bijedi ili modernome blagostanju. U oči upada pjesnikovo traženje oslonca u humanosti, ljubavi, vjeri nasuprot životnoj tragičnosti u surovim vremenima, u često neljudskoj sredini bezosjećajnih, beskrupuloznih, ponekad i po život opasnih ljudi i institucija. Böll je i na ovdašnjim područjima stekao zasluženu pozornost, što dokazuju i brojni prijevodi njegovih djela koji su navedeni na kraju ovoga priloga. ; The paper speaks about fictional world of Heinrich Böll, which is greatly marked by traumatic war experience, National Socialism and postwar German confronting with its own history and finding a way out for its own and others' pain. Some key topics of Böll's poetry were crystallized from those traumas: war, politics moral and religious dilemmas and – as the prevailing one – a man with his fears and helplessness, but also with unexpected vitality, courage or goodness in the war whirlwind and postwar misery or modern welfare. Especially interesting is poet's searching for support in humanity, love, faith opposite to tragic of life in the hard times, in the area of insensitive, unscrupulous and sometimes dangerous people and institutions. Böll gained deserved attention in our areas as well, which is proved by numerous translations of his works which are mentioned at the end of this article.

The author analyzes the development of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) as a federal party & states its ideological & programmatic objectives. The inauspicious experience of the Weimar Republic as well as the disastrous aftermath of the reign of National Socialism played the pivotal role in the shaping of the CDU. There have been attempts to fill in the ethical vacuum following the collapse of National Socialism by Christian humanism. The author focuses next on the Ahlen program (1947) & the Hamburg (1953) & Berlin (1968) party conventions. Particularly highlighted is the period between 1969 & 1982, the era of program modernization. In closing, the author looks into the current party standings in Germany today. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the significance of Nietzsche' s work On the use and abuse of history for life through the reception of that work by the eminent historian Burckhardt. He suggests that their disagreements are paradigmatic for understanding the role of history & historical education in shaping the European spirit i.e. the meaning of the continuity of European history. The second part offers various interpretative possibilities in analyzing the relationship between Nietzsche's thought & the historical reality of National Socialism. The author concludes that Nietzsche has been seen as a radical thinker whose influence cannot be disregarded. References. Adapted from the source document.

German sociologist & anthropologist Helmuth Plessner has tried to explain the ascent of national socialism in Germany with the belated formation of the German nation. Not only was it formed later than other West European nations, but also it was formed in a different manner. While West European nations were formed by countering the monarchy with the novel concept of the state as a republic, the German nation was founded on the culture within the Reich, which was "a great power devoid of the idea of the state." The author has tried to prove the limited analytical value of Plessner's distinction between the belated & timely nations of pointing out that culture & tradition are an essential medium for the formation of nations. Adapted from the source document.

German sociologist & anthropologist Helmuth Plessner has tried to explain the ascent of national socialism in Germany with the belated formation of the German nation. Not only was it formed later than other West European nations, but also it was formed in a different manner. While West European nations were formed by countering the monarchy with the novel concept of the state as a republic, the German nation was founded on the culture within the Reich, which was "a great power devoid of the idea of the state." The author has tried to prove the limited analytical value of Plessner's distinction between the belated & timely nations of pointing out that culture & tradition are an essential medium for the formation of nations. Adapted from the source document.

The publication of a Croatian translation of Friedrich August von Hayek's "Individualism: Genuine and Fake" (1946) occasions this biographic note introducing the Austrian economist to Croatian readers. Hayek is characterized as a liberal politologist & political economist who opposed John Maynard Keynes's doctrine of state intervention in the national economy; Hayek's most representative publications & those in which he carried out his polemics with Keynesian ideas of the government influencing the market, although not eliminating it, are mentioned. Methodologically, Hayek is placed as a continuator of the empiricism & "methodological individualism" of Karl Menger's Austrian School of Economics & an elaborator of L. Mises's statistical-dynamic equilibrium approach. It is pointed out that Hayek opposed all forms of government intervention into the free market: the planned economy of the Soviet era, German national socialism, Italian & Spanish fascism, & the modern welfare state. A selected bibliography of Hayek's works is compiled. 52 References. Z. Dubiel

In his Homo sacer trilogy G. Agamben engages with a series of important issues related to contemporary political philosophy & ethics. Agamben shows that the period of National Socialism & Fascism confronts us with an epochal project of subject destruction. The core & uniqueness of this project are derived from an ideologically & biologically founded naturalism. Thus perceived naturalism uses, ie., misuses, the technical possibilities & means of the politics of power of modernity, creating a system of perfect organization with the purpose of destroying the Other. Such a naturalistic policy can be termed historically unique, since its goal is no longer the destruction of individuals, groups, classes or peoples, or even of mankind as a whole. Its aim is to destroy the humanity of man, precisely in the sense ascribed to this concept by Kant -- namely, man's subjectivity. In other words, a fundamental idea is revoked here: the idea of mankind as such, which encompasses the idea of common mankind, and, in this way, the very idea of subjectivity is negated. Adapted from the source document.

Hannah Arendt pondered the meaning of the concept of the faculty of judgment from the philosophical angle in relation to a concrete historical phenomenon, the epoch she characterized as the "bankruptcy of human sanity," ie, the epoch of national socialism. That bankruptcy was primarily manifested as a failure of the so-called faculty of judgment, in an age that was witnessing some radical changes in the historical & social conditions of the totality of the practice of life. That is why Arendt is searching for a way out in the so-called reflective faculty of judgments, an alternative for the deficiencies & difficulties of the determining faculty of judgment that it manifests at the time of sweeping crises. In Kant, Hannah Arendt finds the elements of political philosophy that could explain the problematics of the political. However, she does not find these elements in his political philosophy, as might be expected, but in his philosophy of the faculty of judgment. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

Hannah Arendt pondered the meaning of the concept of the faculty of judgment from the philosophical angle in relation to a concrete historical phenomenon, the epoch she characterized as the "bankruptcy of human sanity," ie, the epoch of national socialism. That bankruptcy was primarily manifested as a failure of the so-called faculty of judgment, in an age that was witnessing some radical changes in the historical & social conditions of the totality of the practice of life. That is why Arendt is searching for a way out in the so-called reflective faculty of judgments, an alternative for the deficiencies & difficulties of the determining faculty of judgment that it manifests at the time of sweeping crises. In Kant, Hannah Arendt finds the elements of political philosophy that could explain the problematics of the political. However, she does not find these elements in his political philosophy, as might be expected, but in his philosophy of the faculty of judgment. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se razmatraju povod, tijek i sadržaj intelektualne i političke debate između Stipe Šuvara i Šime Đodana koja se odvijala tijekom 1969., u uvjetima društveno-političkih, kulturnih i ekonomskih previranja u tadašnjoj socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj i Jugoslaviji. Glavno pitanje koje se eksplicitno i implicitno provlačilo kroz debatu bilo je: "Je li Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji eksploatirana?" No ta je rasprava bila višeslojna i kompleksnija od toga. U njoj su se autori dotakli i međuodnosa nacionalizma i međunarodne ekonomske integracije unutar Jugoslavije, kao i integracije Jugoslavije sa svijetom, odnosa ekonomije i kulture, emocionalnih i racionalnih argumenata u političkoj i ekonomskoj sferi, nacionalizma i demografije, modernizacije i nacionalne emancipacije, međudjelovanja procesa u istočnom, socijalističkom lageru i na Zapadu te konsekvencija koje bi Jugoslavija i jugoslavensko društvo iz toga trebali povlačiti. U takvu složenijem iščitavanju njihove suprotstavljene pozicije (borba ideja) ne mogu se svoditi na dihotomiju socijalizam – nacionalizam i hrvatstvo – jugoslavenstvo. ; This paper examines the cause, flow, and context of the intellectual and political debate between Stipe Šuvar and Šime Đodan that took place during 1969, in the conditions of socio-political, cultural, and economic turmoil in the then socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia. The main question that was explicitly and implicitly present throughout the debate was: 'Is Croatia being exploited in Yugoslavia?' This discussion, however, was multi-layered and more complex than that. In it, the authors touched upon the relationship between nationalism and inter-ethnic economic integration within Yugoslavia as well as the integration of Yugoslavia with the world, the relationship between economy and culture, emotional and rational arguments in the political and economic spheres, nationalism and demographics, modernisation and national/ethnic emancipation, the interaction of processes in the eastern, socialist bloc and in the West, and the consequences that Yugoslavia should draw from them. As a consequence of this more complex interpretation, their opposed positions (struggle of ideas) cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy such as socialism-nationalism and Croatianness-Yugoslavness. Furthermore, the freer speech that became predominant in Yugoslav and Croatian public space in the 1960s and 1970s made it easier to cross the borders between the economic, political, social, and cultural spheres. The economic dimension of nationalism would prove inseparable from the national discourse, and it would become apparent that it could not be adequately addressed through general debates in the field of economic theory and practice alone. Finally, the Šuvar-Đodan polemic is a reminder of the reflections on globalisation that were then taking place in socialist societies and states, and which had begun long before the fall of the Berlin Wall.

The article identifies the ways/procedures of revisionism in poetry. Not only does the exclusion of the poetry of Goran Babić from the national corpus not correspond with its poetic complexity and value, but it is also ethically inconsistent. Revisionism follows a national identity path according to which literature with clearly expressed views on socialism cannot fully exist within the history of poetry. Politics has taken the place of poetics. ; U članku se detektiraju načini/procedure revizionizma u pjesništvu. Isključivanje poezije Gorana Babića iz nacionalnoga korpusa ne samo da ne korespondira s njegovom poetičkom složenošću i vrijednošću negoli je i etički nekonzistentno. Revizionizam slijedi nacionalnu identitetsku liniju po kojoj književnost s jasno iskazanim stavovima o socijalizmu ne može egzistirati u potpunosti unutar povijesti pjesništva. Politika je zauzela mjesto poetike.