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"Submitted by the Subcommittee on National Security and International Operations (pursuant to S. Res. 311, 91st Cong.) to the Committee on Government Operations, United States Senate." ; At head of title: 91st Congress, 2d session. Committee print. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

National security has become a hotly debated issue since September 11, 2001. National security has always been of great concern to the government; however former Defense Secretary McNamara's thoughts indicate that national security has now also become an important topic for all individuals to consider.2 The "policy and process" of U.S. national security has evolved significantly throughout this country's history, particularly in the years since September 11.

Important changes were made in the whole structure for national security when Congress passed the National Security Act of 1947. During the past two years most of us in the armed forces have become more or less familiar with these changes and with their impact on all phases of military operations.

Over the last decade the United States has been confronted with not just the collapse of the Soviet empire but also with revolutionary scientific breakthroughs, the transformation of the global economy, and the erosion of many of the basic premises of the Westphalian system of international order. The U.S. policy community has attempted to make sense of these and other changes by recourse to bodies such as the National Defense Panel and the U.S. Commission on National Security/21st Century (USNCS/21). The USNCS/21 is currently in the third phase of its mandated activities. At the end of phase three, the members of the Commission will recommend changes in the institutions of the U.S. national security policymaking system. Its conclusions are likely to stimulate a lively, and much needed debate. In order for institutional reform to succeed, it will have to be guided by a coherent and compelling national strategy which must, in turn, be anchored in widely-accepted national interests. It will also have to be in accord with such constitutional principles as civilian control of the armed forces and the inviolability of the civil liberties of all Americans. Hopefully, the chapters in this volume will offer some useful insights and some encouragement. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1124/thumbnail.jpg

There are didactic-pedagogical and theoretical reasons for structuring and presenting national security and its components. In the introductory part of the paper, the author will provide some definitions of the notions of national security and globalization through which he will determine the importance of national and global values and interests. The author further states that today a new concept of security (the broader, comprehensive approach) is being used in scientific literature whose contents range from military to political, economic, social, social and environmental.A special issue to be addressed in this paper is social security. The author will use the following methods: analytical method, descriptor method, and content analysis method.In his concluding observations, the author sets out positive aspects of the modern process of globalization.The subject of research is national security in modern global conditions and its components.The purpose of the research is to establish the importance of the components of security and national values in modern global conditions. Key words: National security, globalization, national and global values,sovereignty, social security

As of 25 August, of the 99 political prisoners in detention, 54 were detained on charges under the National Security Law. Of these, the majority were arrested under Article 7, which punishes membership of organizations deemed to "benefit the enemy", improving relations with North Korea prompted debate on reform of the National Security Law. President Kim Dae-Jung apparently encouraged by his award of the Nobel Peace Prize, announced his support for revisions to the National Security Law, but opposition to reform in the National Assembly from both the GNP and the ULD prevented significant revisions. (Amnesty International Report 2001)

A special place among the documents on national security policy takes a national security strategy (state security). It is a concept implemented in a state ensuring its security, containing in particular identification of national interests and strategic objectives, assessment of the future shaping of the strategic security environment, and rules and ways of achieving the strategic objectives in the predicted conditions (realisation of operational tasks), as well as preparations (maintenance and transformation) of the national security system (realisation of preparative tasks). The National Security Strategy is the most important document on the security and defence of the Republic of Poland. It is adopted by the government and approved by the president. The strategy is the basis for the development of more detailed documents such as the political and strategic defence directive. This paper presents the goals of the latest version of the Security Strategy of the Republic of Poland. The new National Security Strategy of the Republic of Poland documents the most serious change in the national security policy so far, involving the acknowledgement by the highest authorities of the country and saving in a strategic document that, for the first time since independence in 1989, we may be threatened with war.

Also issued in Atlas of United States foreign relations / by Harry F. Young. ; "This material is reprinted from the 'Department of State bulletin' of May 1982". ; "July 1982". ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Title from cover. ; Description based on: 1983. ; Mode of access: Internet.

France is one of the EU member states with a most highly-developed national strategic culture. Victory in the Second World War, its role as a member of the United Nations Security Council, the development of a nuclear programme that gave the country the status of a nuclear power, united to the historical development of a sense of a global mission on the world stage, contributed to the development of a global vision for France's role on the world arena. The exercise of setting out a global description of a long-term vision and strategy for defence policies in white books (Livre Blanc) had been conducted twice before, in 1972 and 1994. The latest 2008 White Paper on Defence and National Security preserves some of the basic patterns of its forerunners but introduced the concept of a national security strategy, that had not been developed before.

This dissertation explores how partisan polarization among the political elites (the President and key Members of Congress) impacts national security decision-making. The research examines the relationship over time beginning at the start of the Cold War through 2014. In doing so, the research tests several hypotheses to determine the nature of the relationship and what the implications might be for future U.S. national security policy-making. There are three different approaches used in the research centered on the same theory of partisan polarization. The first approach examines changes in the level of polarization and defense budgets each year. The second explores the impact of partisan polarization on the outcome of key roll-call votes on national security legislation. Lastly, the third approach studies the changes in polarization relative to the Presidents' decision to use force. Poole and Rosenthal (1984) argue that political polarization has increased among the political elite since the 1960s and the Republicans and Democrats continue to move further apart ideologically (Gray et al. 2015). I argue that the combined effect of polarization and a growing ideological divide between the two major political parties puts our collective national security at risk. Using analytical regression time series models and a qualitative analysis, the findings suggests that rising partisan polarization presents a clear and present threat to our national security. ; 2019-05-01 ; Ph.D. ; Sciences, Pol, Scty and Intl Afrs, Schl of ; Doctoral ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

The October 1973 war in the Middle East finally witnessed the long threatened use of the Arab "oil weapon." The major Arab oil producers-Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iraq, the Sheikhdoms on the Persian Gulf, Algeria, and Libya-all embargoed shipments of their oil to the United States. The embargo was de• signed to curtail U.S. military, eco­nomic, and diplomatic support for Israel and to cause this nation to force Israel to return to the pre-1967 cease-fire lines.

Summary of the proceedings of the US Army War College Tenth Annual Strategy Conference. ; Not distributed to depository libraries in a physical form. ; "November 2000." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; 7. National security and the interagency process: forward into the 21st century / Gabriel Marcella -- 8. Improving national security decisionmaking / Constantine Menges -- 9. Servants, supplicants, or saboteurs: the role of the uniformed officer and the changing nature of America's civil-military relations / John Hillen -- 10. DoD in the 21st century / Lawrence J. Korb -- 11. National Security Act of 2002 / William A. Navas Jr. -- 12. Presidential leadership and national security policy making / Robert D. Steele -- 13. Conclusion / Douglas T. Stuart. ; 1. Introduction / Douglas T. Stuart -- 2. Present at the legislation: the 1947 National Security Act / Douglas T. Stuart -- 3. Ike and the birth of the CINCs: the continuity of unity of command / David Jablonsky -- 4. DoD Reorganization Act of 1986: improving the Department through centralization and integration / Douglas C. Lovelace, Jr. -- 5. Institutionalizing defense reform: the politics of transformation in the Root, McNamara, and Cohen eras / Joseph R. Cerami -- Time for a revolution: the transition from national defense to international security / Grant T. Hammomd -- ; Summary of the proceedings of the US Army War College Tenth Annual Strategy Conference. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Safety is a necessity, an aspiration, and an inalienable right of the human being. Understanding Security is always a sense of guarantee, protection, or tranquillity in the face of obstacles and threats, actions contrary to the person, institutions, or essential goods, existing or intended. Concerning the Common Good, Security is an indispensable element in seeking the closest possible approximation to those ideal, thanks to the degree of assurance it must provide. The State bears the most significant responsibility for the safety of all, as it must and may demand the fulfilment of the duties and functions necessary to maintain this condition. One of the most challenging problems that the leaders of a nation face is to strike the right balance between the obligations and responsibilities of the State - aimed at the collective interest and the monopoly of the legitimate use of force - and those of the citizen, the possessor of a inalienable rights and, on the other hand, subordinate to the legal order of the rule of law. In the outer sphere, as well as in the domestic area, the aspiration for the Security of nations is constant.

Although a body of law has developed around the use of confidential informants in criminal investigations, the role of informants in national security matters is less clearly defined. This Note first examines the limitations on the use of informants in the criminal context that are imposed by the Fourth Amendment, a detailed set of guidelines issued by the Attorney General, and other sources of law. It then turns to the treatment of informants by the major sources of national security law, including the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. Ultimately, this Note concludes that in the national security context, government agents are free from many of the restrictions placed on the use of informants in criminal investigations. Although this relative freedom may be necessary given the immediate challenge of combating international terrorism, care should be taken that the executive branch does not use informants in a way that violates individual privacy or oversteps other proper investigative boundaries.