Natural Marine Resource Management in a Changing Climate
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 9, S. 332-334
ISSN: 2387-4562
15 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 9, S. 332-334
ISSN: 2387-4562
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 69, Heft 2, S. 308-310
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 3, S. 452-458
ISSN: 0020-577X
Criticizes some aspects of the Norwegian oil policy, where policy makers have moved to serve oil companies instead of the public. For example, the oil deal between Norway and Turkmenistan that Norwegian politicians actively lobbied for prohibits them from criticizing the human rights situation in Turkmenistan. As six of the world's ten largest companies operate in the oil industry, these interests are hard to bypass. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 4, S. 395-422
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 4, S. 591-614
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 9, S. 359-376
ISSN: 2387-4562
The impacts of climate change on marine resources are well known and demand mitigation and adaptation measures in order to protect the ecosystems. This entails more than simply altering management practices; it requires altering goal setting and managing transitions to new ecosystemic conditions. In the European Union, the main legal tool for protection of the marine environment is the Marine Strategy Framework Directive. Greece, as a member state of the European Union, has transposed the Marine Strategy Framework Directive into its national legal order and has developed legal structures to protect its marine resources from various threats, including climate change.
The present paper aims to present the legal and policy management tools in Greece, relevant to implementation of the Marine Strategy Framework Directive and climate change adaptation. For methodological reasons, the paper is divided into two parts: The first part deals with those legal tools that apply to an initial assessment of the environmental quality of Greek marine waters, while the second part analyzes legislative activities pertinent to the design and implementation of programs and measures. The aim of the national legislation is to maintain the ecosystemic integrity of the marine waters of Greece and to preserve the unique characteristics of the aquatic environment with respect to present and future generations. However, the analysis shows that a holistic legal framework demands explicit provisions for climate change impacts, while the existing framework focuses primarily on anthropogenic pressures on the marine environment.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 183-206
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Rapporter 82,30
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 3, S. 107-126
ISSN: 0020-577X
West Africa is one of the most instable regions in the world with ongoing conflicts and civil wars. At the same time the region's importance is growing globally due to its rich resources and strategically important location. Many states, including Norway, are currently rethinking their strategies in the region and how to deal with the problematic situations in the Mano River and Niger Delta areas. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 367-394
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 61, Heft 4, S. 425-448
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 279-285
ISSN: 0020-577X
An introduction to the report Norwegian Self-Image and Norwegian Foreign Policy that describes similarities and differences between the image and foreign policy of Norway. Norwegian foreign policy has long been characterized by neutrality, compliance with international rules, moralization, internationalization and a focus on certain sectors. Geopolitics is one of these sectors and increasingly relevant in a world where countries are competing for natural resources to achieve energy security. While Norway portrays a good image by generously providing developmental and humanitarian aid and by maintaining a high profile in the UN, the country is also hurt by its high food tariffs, a strict immigration policy and its refusal to be part of the EU. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 5, S. 567-581
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article takes an in-depth look at the controversy surrounding initiatives to eliminate poverty in developing countries. While analysis of the problem necessarily assumes an international perspective, special attention is given here to the role that Norway -- as a European country made wealthy by its natural resources -- is to play in the effort to advance underdeveloped regions. A review of existing critical literature reveals a commonly held view that the most detrimental problems arise because of the inability to control what happens to aide money given to impoverished nations that are often run by corrupt power groups that use the money to consolidate their own power. As much research has demonstrated, world contributions to developing areas over the past decades have failed to produce the expected results, which again signals that the dilemma of under-developed areas is rooted in their internal organization & collective incentives. Several perspectives on this issue are reviewed here to pronounce the moral question assumed by many where Norway is concerned, namely if a country made wealthy by something that it has not "earned" per se should continue to support an aide mechanism that is shown by many analyses to be unsustainable. The stakes & alternatives in this debate are discussed here in detail. C Brunski
In 2014, Norway celebrates the bicentenary of the Norwegian Constitution. The Constitution has been the backbone of a society that has created political stability, economic development and personal freedom for generations of Norwegians. The Norwegian Constitution was inspired by the democratic forces of its time, but most especially by the American Constitution. Today, they represent the world's two oldest, living constitutions. The book explains how the Norwegian Constitution was created, how it has functioned, and the democratic challenges it faces. The book also examines how the American Constiution has influenced the Norwegian Constiution. The book is directed toward a wide range of readers, especially students in all levels. Prominent Norwegian writers and scholars have explored these themes in this unique presentation of the Norwegian and American Constitution. President of the Norwegian Parliament, Olemic Thommessen, and American Vice President i USA, Walter Mondale, have written the preface. The book is a de lux book of art. A number of Norwegian contemporary artists are inspired by the constitution. They have been especially concerned about subjects related to the role of the individual in society, democracy, freedom of speech and preservation of natural resources. They also have focused on what it means to have a national identity. The artistic presentations cover a wide register and the illustrations are carried out in different technics. Exhibitions will be arranged in both Norway and the US where the pieces of art in the book will be presented
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 13
ISSN: 2387-4562
This comparative article reveals how the general focus of Canadian and Russian threat perceptions in the Arctic have shifted from a Cold War fixation on hard defence to accommodate soft security issues over the last three decades. Both countries now pay greater attention to threats and challenges stemming from climate change, security, and safety risks associated with resource development and increasingly accessible sea routes. Although concern about military conflict arising from Arctic disputes continues to frame some media discussions in both countries, most strategic analysts and academics have moved away from this line of argument. Instead, military functions now include assertion of Canadian and Russian sovereignty over their respective internal waters, as well as protection of resources in their exclusive economic zones and on and in extended continental shelves; protection of economic interests in the North, including mineral and bio-resources; prevention of potential terrorist attacks against critical industrial and state infrastructure; and dual-use functions, such as search and rescue operations, surveillance of air and maritime spaces, support to safe navigation, and mitigation of natural and human-made catastrophes.
The authors argue that analysts should parse two forms of military modernization in the Arctic: one of capability development related to the global strategic balance, where the Arctic serves as a bastion or a thoroughfare; and a second intended to address emerging non-traditional security challenges. They contend that these modernization programs do not inherently upset the Arctic military balance and need not provoke a regional arms race.