Suchergebnisse

The term neighbourhood has been reduced to a word for a convenient geographical locator. In fact, most cities claim to be compiled of neighbourhoods, but this strays far from the term's original meaning - a spatial unit that people relate to. This book dispels this common misconception by integrating a complex historical record and multidisciplinary literature to produce a singular resource for understanding what is meant by neighborhood. Emily Talen provides a multi-dimensional, comprehensive view of what neighbourhoods signify how they're idealised and measured, and what their historical progression has been. Talen balances perspectives from sociology, urban history, urban planning, and sustainability among others in efforts to make neighbourhoods compatible with 21st century ideals.

A COMMON IDEA IN URBAN STUDIES IS THAT OF A TRADE-OFF BETWEEN RELOCATION ANDF LOCALLY BASED POLITICAL ACTIVISM AS ALTERNATIVE MEANS OF COPING WITH RESIDENTIAL STRESS. THIS IDEA IS EVALUATED EMPIRICALLY AND THEN TREATED CRITICALLY AS AN EXPRESSION OF MORE FUNDAMENTAL, LESS READILY APPARENT SOCIAL RELATIONS. TO EVALUATE THE DEGREE TO WHICH RELOCATION AND NEIGHBORHOOD ACTIVISM ARE SUBSTITUTABLE STRATEGIES, SIMPLE BEHAVIORAL MODELS ARE TESTED WITH SURVEY DATA FOR COLUMBUS. OHIO. FROM THIS IT APPEARS THAT HOUSING TENURE PLAYS A STRATEGIC ROLE IN THE TRADE-OFF: IN THE PRESENCE OF NEIGHBORHOOD PROBLEMS OWNERS ARE MUCH MORE LIKELY TO BE ACTIVISTS THAN RENTERS: RENTERS, ON THE OTHER THE EXPLANATION PROBABLY LIES IN THE DIFFERENTIAL TRANSACTION COSTS OWNERS AND RENTERS CONFRONT ON RELOCATION.

Advocacy of neighborhood government should be based on a careful assessment of possible dangers & deficiencies, as well as merits. The obstacles to increasing neighborhood power are listed as the costs of community organizing in terms of time & effort, community conflict, city-neighborhood conflict, & the general political conflict. To persuade individuals to engage in collective action it is necessary that the rewards of such action be greater than personal costs. Serious participation is likely to occur only when neighborhood government programs offer visible rewards & work to solve concrete problems. There is a specific awareness that many unions & politicians will fight neighborhood government & that they have the power to damage & destroy it. There is also the sense that, whereas there has been success in developing community structures, it has been difficult to move government toward decentralization & toward more flexible administrative procedures. Thus in NY, where experimentation with neighborhood government has gone the furthest, the strategy now is to face the failures of government directly first, before promising participatory innovations. It unlikely that the neighborhood government program will be implemented in many cities soon, especially where there are minorities present which will seek centripetal participation--control of city hall. Modified HA.

A group of friends take a journey through their neighborhood. See how they spend their day visiting various places around their neighborhood in this nonfiction narrative. A picture-word glossary is included. This nonfiction title is paired with the fiction title No Place Like Home

"The Racial Justice in America: AAPI Excellence and Achievement series celebrates Asian achievement and culture, while exploring racism in a comprehensive, honest, and age-appropriate way. In the Vibrant Neighborhoods book, students learn more about America's Asian communities from Little Manila during the 1940s to Chinatowns and Koreatowns and other Asian American enclaves scattered across the country. Series is written by Virginia Loh-Hagan, a prolific author, advocate, and director of the San Diego State University Asian Pacific Islander Desi American Resource Center. Books include 21st Century Skills and content, an activity across books, table of contents, glossary, index, author biography, sidebars, and educational matter"-- Provided by publisher.

Political and legal tools have emerged since the 1970s, and especially in the last two decades, that provide political and legal power to neighborhoods. However, these tools are often used in an ad hoc fashion, and there has been scant analysis of how these tools might work together effectively. This Article asserts that those locations in cities that evoke a "sense of place" are created not just with architectural or landscape design, but by the operation of neighborhood legal tools as well. This Article argues that cities consciously overlay the panoply of emergent neighborhood legal tools as a means of place-building. This approach is referred to in the Article as creation of a de facto "legal neighborhood." This approach does not call for secession of neighborhoods from cities or for the wholesale privatization of public functions, as have others that argue for neighborhood empowerment. Rather, the Article asserts that the collective operation of these neighborhood tools is greater than the sum of their parts, providing a method for civic engagement at a level city-wide politicians feel comfortable serving, in which residents feel comfortable participating, and which is proven to assist the kind of place-making that makes densely settled areas attractive. These features of the neighborhood make understanding legal neighborhoods a necessary component to any effort to address the built environment's social, political, and especially its environmental effects, such as climate change. The Article provides approaches for linking the neighborhood to city and regional affairs, and a history and theory of the concept of the neighborhood as an argument for the important role and function of neighborhoods in American life.