Jatkoa Neuvostoliitto-pohdinnoille
In: Politiikka: Valtiotieteellisen Yhdistyksen julkaisu, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 51
ISSN: 0032-3365
In: Politiikka: Valtiotieteellisen Yhdistyksen julkaisu, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 51
ISSN: 0032-3365
In: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia
The volume Remembered and Imagined Soviet Union addresses memories, conceptions, and images relating to the Soviet past from the perspective of cultural memory. The book explores how the Soviet Union has been recalled and how it has been depicted in cultural products like literature, museum exhibitions, art and the media. Instead of trying to say what the Soviet Union was, the book analyses the ways in which Finns, Russians and Estonians have viewed the Soviet past at different times. The book answers the following questions: What is remembered about the Soviet past? How has the country been represented in various cultural texts? What is forgotten or not talked about?
The book consists of chapters by scholars of history, literature and art studies. They look at key themes of the Soviet past in the framework of cultural memory, with topics including space conquest, the superiority of the hockey team, known as the "Red machine", political propaganda, and persecution of minorities.
In: Kleio ja nykypäivä
In: The Slavonic and East European review: SEER, Band 81, Heft 1
ISSN: 2222-4327
Abstract: The image of the Soviet Union and Russia has changed dramatically in the press in Finland after the World War II. This article is based on a frequency analysis in which mentions of certain countries, groups of states and international organizations were coded (like the Soviet Union/Russia, United States, NATO, UN etc.). To make the analysis more revealing and interesting, a distinction was made whether the mention was made in the context of (1) alliance, friendship and cooperation, or in the context of (2) distance, restriction and enemy image, or (3) both in a positive and in a negative context. The time frame was from 1945 till the end of the century, and the newspapers chosen for the study represented the whole political spectrum of the Finnish media. The selection criteria of the material emphasized national celebration days. The study proves clearly what has been the main object of Finnish foreign policy after the WW II: in all coded press material, the Soviet Union/Russia was mentioned 222 times which makes 37.5% of all mentions. Other important states or groups have been the United States (5.3 %), EC/EU/WEU/West-Europe (12.6 %), United Nations (9.0 %) and Nordic council/Nordic co-operation (11.2 %). With very few exceptions, all mentions concerning the UN and Nordic co-operation are positive. The Soviet Union has also been described rather positively (77.5 %). The share of negative mentions is 8.1% and mixture of negative and positive mentions 14.4%. Images of the United States and the European alliances are most contradictory. In the case of USA, 54.8 % of the mentions are positive and 45.2% negative. Concerning EC/EU etc. 54.1 % of mentions are positive, 28.4 % negative and 17.6 % mixtures of positive and negative references. Changes in attitudes towards the Soviet Union in different time spots are remarkable. The share of negative mentions of the Soviet Union was very low, except in 1995 (30 %) when Finland already was a member of the EU. However, the number of cases in which the Soviet Union was referred to both in a positive and in a negative way, was rather high in 1945 and 1948 (27 % and 22 %). The visibility of the Soviet Union/Russia was on its highest level in 1945, in 1948 and in 1989. Decrease on mentions from 1989 (when the Soviet Union was near the brink) to 1993 is very clear. It is interesting that the prominence of the Soviet Union was on a very low level in 1968 (occupation of Czechoslovakia); one could guess that there was nothing positive to say but no courage to write negatively either. As long as the Soviet Union existed and Finland had to live in its shadow, the press did not rock the boat. In the contemporary press discourse the grim heritage of the Cold War can be seen in cynical attitude towards rhetoric of friendship and cooperation. ; peerReviewed
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Kuvaus suomalaisten punaupseerien kohtalosta Stalinin Neuvostoliitossa. Punaisten tappio sisällissodassa 1918 merkitsi alkua punaupseeriston synnylle. Neuvostoliitto kouli 1920- ja 1930-luvulla entisistä punakaartilaisista punaupseereja, joiden piti varmistaa vallankumouksellisen sodan voittokulku Suomessa. Heitä koulutettiin yli 1600, mutta voitonjuhlien sijaan punaupseerit joutuivat teloittajien eteen. Stalinin puhdistukset lakaisivat heidät joukkohautoihin.
The radio journalist James Wood has described the high power shortwave transmitter as the weapon of the Cold War.1 There is a reason for this: both superpowers sought constantly throughout the Cold War to expand their transmitting power to reach even the most distant places and provide ever more language services to nations they wished to influence. Radio broadcasting became the way to contact foreign populations and convey the message of the foreign government. Yet, while messages never went through in such a mechanistic way, radio broadcasting emerged as an extremely important part of Cold War strategy for both warring parties. However, while there have been numerous studies about western Cold War broadcasting to the Soviet Union, there are practically no studies that would tackle the issue of Soviet international broadcasting. [Continues, please see the article] ; peerReviewed
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Tutkimuksen kohteena ovat ne muutokset, joita venäläisessä sanomalehdistössä ja journalismissa tapahtui 1980-luvun lopun poliittisten reformien aikana ja Neuvostoliiton hajoamisen jälkeen. Tutkimus kohdistuu alueelliselle tasolle ja tarkastelee Karjalan tasavaltaa esimerkkitapauksena. Teoreettisesti tutkimus perustuu ajatukseen siitä, että neuvostoyhteiskunta oli epätäydellisesti moderni ja sen modernit piirteet, kuten joukkotiedotus-välineiden runsas käyttö, olivat osaksi pinnallisia rituaaleja ja niiden modernisoiva vaikutus jäi puutteelliseksi yhteiskunnan esimodernien piirteiden aiheuttamien rajoitusten vuoksi. Yksi neuvostojärjestelmän hajoamisen syistä oli se, että järjestelmä ei neuvostoajan erityinen, epätäydellinen modernisaatio ei kyennyt käsittelemään niitä paineita, joita modernisaatiokehitys aiheutti. Tutkimus tarkastelee lehdistön ja journalismin muutosta kolmen eri näkökulman kautta. Niistä ensimmäinen tarkastelee lehdistön rakenteen kehittymistä Karjalan tasavallassa ja yksitäisissä lehdissä tapahtuneita muutoksia. Toinen näkökulma perustuu kyselytutkimukseen, jonka kohteena on eri lehtien yleisö helmikuussa 2000. Kolmantena on journalismin analyysi määrällisen ja laadullisen tekstianalyysin avulla. Neuvostojärjestelmän hajoamisen myötä entinen lehdistörakenne, jossa johtavassa asemassa olivat valtakunnalliset lehdet, hajosi ja alueelliset lehdet tulivat lehdistön tärkeimmäksi osaksi. Alueellisella tasolla muodostui uudenlainen lehtienvälinen kilpailu ja lehdistön moninaisuus. Esimerkiksi Karjalassa venäjänkielisten aluelehtien määrä kasvoi kahdesta yhteentoista ja suomen- ja karjalankielisten lehtien määrä yhdestä kolmeen. Kehitys on ollut samanlaista muillakin alueilla. Lehtien julkaisemisessa eri alueilla havaittujen erojen syinä ovat niin entiset perinteet lehtien julkaisemisessa, kansalaisyhteiskunnan kehitys kuin taloudellinen hyvinvointikin. Kyselytutkimuksen mukaan venäläisten lehtien lukijat ovat selvästi jakautunut iän mukaan sekä vähemmässä määrin sukupuolen mukaan. Skandaalinhakuinen, oppositiossa oleva lehti on osoittautunut menestyksekkäimmäksi lehtityypiksi, kun taas niin vanhat kuin uudet eliitteihin vetoavat "laatulehdet" saavuttavat vain pienen osan yleisöstä. Journalismin muutoksen tarkastelu kahdessa sanomalehdessä osoittaa että toimittajat ovat saaneet journalistisen tekstin tuottamisen selvästi valvontaansa. Neuvostoaikana sanomalehdet olivat täynnä ulkopuolista kirjoittajien juttuja ja lyhyen glasnostin ajan aikana lukijakirjeillä oli keskeinen rooli. Toisaalta, erilaisten tekstuaalisten rakenteiden joukossa professionaali uutismuoto on saanut enemmän suosiota vaikkakin kantaaottamaton monologi ja juttutyyppi, jossa lähteiden siteeraaminen ja toimittajan kommentit on yhdistetty ovat edelleen suosiossa. Ainoastaan pelkästään vierasta puhetta sisältävät tekstit ovat selvästi vähentyneet. Venäläinen journalismi on omaksunut vaikutteita ulkomailta, mistä osoituksena on esimerkiksi se, että Karjalan Sanomat on alkanut muistuttaa länsimaista journalismia nopeammin kuin venäjänkieliset lehdet. Tiedotusvälineillä oli tärkeä rooli neuvostojärjestelmän hajoamisessa ja tämä tutkimus väittää, että tieto ei ollut yksinomaan järjestelmän hajoamisen taustalla vaan suurempi merkitys oli siinä miten tieto neuvostoyhteiskunnassa esitettiin. Kun lehdistö alkoi vuodesta 1985 lähtien toimia entistä paremmin neuvostojärjestelmän perinteiden mukaisesti osallistumalla yhteiskunnan rakentamiseen ja tarjoamalla tilaa erilaisille mielipiteille, se osallistuikin yhteiskuntajärjestelmän hajottamiseen. Järjestelmä ei kyennyt sopeutumaan eriäviin mielipiteisiin. Neuvostoliitossa ei kyennyt kehittymään erityistä journalistista sfääriä vaan journalismi oli sekä poliittisen että kirjallisen toiminnan osa. Neuvostoliiton jälkeisessä oloissa journalistisen sfäärin kehittymismahdollisuudet ovat paremmat vaikkakin monissa Keski- ja Itä-Euroopan maissa läntisen moderni sanomalehti ja moderni uutismuoto ovat kehittynyt nopeammin. Yksi syistä on siinä, että ulkomainen omistus, joka on tuonut muihin alueen maihin mukanaan länsimaisia toimintamalleja ja -tapoja, on jäänyt Venäjällä hyvin vähäiseksi. Lisäksi omaperäisillä journalismin muodoilla on Venäjällä pidempi historia eikä niiden voida odottaa muuttuvan yhtä nopeasti. Myös poliittisen järjestelmän ja kansalaisyhteiskunnan kehityksellä on vaikutuksensa: journalismi, joka perustuu sitaatteihin ja niiden tulkintaan yleisestä näkökulmasta, voi kehittyä vain oloissa, joissa lähdeorganisaatiota ja kommentteja on helposti saatavana, ja joissa vallitsee yleisesti hyväksytty, yhteinen tulkintatapa. Nämä olosuhteet ovat toistaiseksi heikosti kehittyneet Venäjällä. Myös sillä on merkitystä, että vanhan koulukunnan toimittajien parissa uusien kantaaottamattomien ja standardisoitujen muotojen omaksuminen koetaan menetyksenä. Tutkimus antaa mahdollisuuksia ymmärtää lehdistön ja journalismin kehittymistä osana yhteiskunnallista muutosta. Lisäksi tutkimus tarjoaa kokonaiskuvan yhden Venäjän alueen lehdistöstä ja sen kehitykseen vaikuttavista tekijöistä. Tutkimuksesta voi olla hyötyä myös venäläisissä lehdissä mainostaville sekä venäläisiin lehtiin investoiville ulkomaalaisille. ; This study explores the changes which took place in the Russian press and journalism during the period of political reforms (1985-1991) and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The study is focused on the regional level and uses the Republic of Karelia as a case. With the collapse of the Soviet system, the former press structure with dominant national newspapers collapsed and the regional newspapers, which preserved their circulation better, became the most important part of the press. At the regional level, a new kind of competition and pluralism emerged. For example, in Karelia the number of regional newspapers published in Russian grew from two to eleven and in the number of those in Finnish or Karelian from one to three. The development has been similar in other regions as well. According to an analysis of factors influencing the local newspaper publishing the circulation of local newspapers is higher in areas with the earlier traditions of newspaper publishing, the development of civil society and the economic welfare. Theoretically the study is based on the notion that the Soviet Union was a fake modern society and its modern features, like the extensive use of mass media, were partly rituals with little modernising impact. One of the reasons behind the collapse of the Soviet system was that the peculiar, incomplete modernisation of the Soviet era could not handle the pressures caused by the modernising development. After the collapse of the Soviet system a new round of modernisation is beginning although the collapse of economy and the forced forms of modernisation have also strengthened the traditional elements. The media had an important role in the collapse of the Soviet system and this study argues that it was not only the information itself which assisted in the collapse of the society but that the way in which the media presented that information was also important in discrediting the former system. After 1985, the Soviet media started to realise the traditional slogans of the media's participation in the construction of the society and offering space for various views. In so doing the press actually participated in the destruction of the social system, which was not equipped to adjust to conflicting opinions. Paradoxically, if Soviet journalism had functioned according to the Western journalistic practice of presenting the information in a way which leaves readers in a detached and non-participant relationship to politics, the collapse of the Soviet system would not have been so sudden. In the Soviet Union, no proper journalistic sphere could develop; journalism was an extension of both political and literary spheres. In the post-Soviet conditions the possibilities for its development are better but in many other Central and Eastern European countries the development of Western-type modern newspaper and modern news form has been more rapid. One of the reasons for this is that Russia has so far also remained outside major Western investments in the media sector which in other Central and Eastern European countries has been accompanied with imported formats and models of making journalism. Moreover, Russia has longer traditions in endogenous forms of journalism which could not be expected to change as rapidly. This study explores the changes which took place in the Russian press and journalism during the period of political reforms (1985-1991) and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The study is focused on the regional level and uses the Republic of Karelia as a case. With the collapse of the Soviet system, the former press structure with dominant national newspapers collapsed and the regional newspapers, which preserved their circulation better, became the most important part of the press. At the regional level, a new kind of competition and pluralism emerged. For example, in Karelia the number of regional newspapers published in Russian grew from two to eleven and in the number of those in Finnish or Karelian from one to three. The development has been similar in other regions as well. According to an analysis of factors influencing the local newspaper publishing the circulation of local newspapers is higher in areas with the earlier traditions of newspaper publishing, the development of civil society and the economic welfare. Theoretically the study is based on the notion that the Soviet Union was a fake modern society and its modern features, like the extensive use of mass media, were partly rituals with little modernising impact. One of the reasons behind the collapse of the Soviet system was that the peculiar, incomplete modernisation of the Soviet era could not handle the pressures caused by the modernising development. After the collapse of the Soviet system a new round of modernisation is beginning although the collapse of economy and the forced forms of modernisation have also strengthened the traditional elements. The media had an important role in the collapse of the Soviet system and this study argues that it was not only the information itself which assisted in the collapse of the society but that the way in which the media presented that information was also important in discrediting the former system. After 1985, the Soviet media started to realise the traditional slogans of the media's participation in the construction of the society and offering space for various views. In so doing the press actually participated in the destruction of the social system, which was not equipped to adjust to conflicting opinions. Paradoxically, if Soviet journalism had functioned according to the Western journalistic practice of presenting the information in a way which leaves readers in a detached and non-participant relationship to politics, the collapse of the Soviet system would not have been so sudden. In the Soviet Union, no proper journalistic sphere could develop; journalism was an extension of both political and literary spheres. In the post-Soviet conditions the possibilities for its development are better but in many other Central and Eastern European countries the development of Western-type modern newspaper and modern news form has been more rapid. One of the reasons for this is that Russia has so far also remained outside major Western investments in the media sector which in other Central and Eastern European countries has been accompanied with imported formats and models of making journalism. Moreover, Russia has longer traditions in endogenous forms of journalism which could not be expected to change as rapidly. The problems with the development of civil society and political system also play a role: journalism based on quotations and interpretation from the universal, commonsense point of view can develop only in conditions in which source organisations and comments are easily available and where a widely accepted common sense point of view exists. These conditions are so far poorly developed in Russia. It is also important that among the old school of journalists the adaptation of detached and standardised forms of journalism has been seen as a loss. There is some evidence that journalism has adopted practices from abroad, for example, the Finnish-language Karjalan Sanomat started to resemble Western journalism more rapidly than Russian newspapers. According to a survey conducted in Petrozavodsk in February 2000 the audience is clearly divided on the basis of age and partly on the basis of gender. The scandalous, oppositional newspaper has proven to be the most popular and successful part of the press, while the old and new "quality", elite-oriented newspapers appeal to only small part of the audience. An empirical examination of journalism in two newspapers indicates that journalists have gained clear control of the production of newspaper text. In the Soviet era the newspapers were filled with articles by outside authors and official texts, while during a short period of glasnost the letters to the editor played an important role. On the other hand, journalistic control has not become complete inside the texts. Among the different textual strategies the professional news form has received more popularity although non-commentary monologue and a news form in which the citations from the sources are mixed with the comments by journalist are still common. Only the texts written solely by outside authors have clearly lost their share in the newspapers. This study explores the changes which took place in the Russian press and journalism during the period of political reforms (1985-1991) and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The study is focused on the regional level and uses the Republic of Karelia as a case. With the collapse of the Soviet system, the former press structure with dominant national newspapers collapsed and the regional newspapers, which preserved their circulation better, became the most important part of the press. At the regional level, a new kind of competition and pluralism emerged. For example, in Karelia the number of regional newspapers published in Russian grew from two to eleven and in the number of those in Finnish or Karelian from one to three. The development has been similar in other regions as well. According to an analysis of factors influencing the local newspaper publishing the circulation of local newspapers is higher in areas with the earlier traditions of newspaper publishing, the development of civil society and the economic welfare.
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Ei-tarttuvien tautien riskitekijöiden yhteys sosioekonomisiin muuttujiin nopeasti muuttuvissa yhteiskunnissa; kuuden entisen Neuvostoliiton maan analyysi Tausta: Sosioekonomisilla muuttujilla on merkittävä rooli ei-tarttuvien tautien riskitekijöiden jakautumisessa väestössä, ja tämä rooli voi olla erityisen kriittinen entisen Neuvostoliiton maissa johtuen niiden nopeista yhteiskunnallisista muutoksista. Tämän väitöskirjan tavoitteena oli tutkia ei-tarttuvien tautien riskitekijöiden esiintymisen yhteyttä sosioekonomiseen asemaan nopeasti muuttuvissa yhteiskunnissa, sekä niiden merkitystä ei-tarttuvien tautien ehkäisy- ja kontrolliohjelmille. Menetelmät: Aineistona oli 15 501 aikuista kuudesta entisen Neuvostoliiton maasta (Georgia, Latvia, Kazakstan, Ukraina, Venäjä ja Viro), jotka olivat mukana World Health Survey - tutkimuksessa 2002-2004. Tutkimuksen kohteena olevat ei-tarttuvien tautien riskitekijät olivat tupakointi, runsas alkoholin käyttö, ylipaino ja lihavuus, vähäinen vihannesten ja hedelmien kulutus sekä liian vähäinen liikunta. Koulutusta, nykyistä työtä ja varallisuutta käytettiin kuvaamaan sosioekonomista asemaa. Tulokset: Vähäinen vihannesten ja hedelmien kulutus, ylipaino ja lihavuus sekä miesten tupakointi olivat yleisiä riskitekijöitä tutkimuksen kohteena olevassa väestössä, sen sijaan runsas alkoholin käyttö ja liian vähäinen liikunta olivat odotettua vähäisempiä riskitekijöitä. Sosioekonomista asemaa kuvaavista indikaattoreista varallisuus ja nykyinen työ liittyivät vahvemmin riskitekijöiden esiintymiseen kuin koulutustaso. Johtopäätökset: Sosioekonomisilla tekijöillä on tutkimuksen kohteena olevissa maissa suuri merkitys ei-tarttuvien tautien riskitekijöiden yleisyyteen. Ei-tarttuvien tautien riskitekijöiden yleisyyttä pitäisi pyrkiä alentamaan sekä väestö- että yksilötasoisilla terveyden edistämiseen ja tautien ehkäisyyn pyrkivillä terveysohjelmilla, joiden tulisi erityisesti kohdistua korkeimman riskin omaaviin ja köyhimpiin väestöryhmiin. ; Socioeconomic determinants play a substantial role in the distribution of noncommunicable disease (NCD) risk factors, and this can be specifically critical in countries of the former Soviet Union (FSU) due to the rapid changes in society. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 has brought immense social, political and economic changes with damaging consequences on the population health and health sector, and a rapid rise in social inequalities in health in this particular part of the world. The transition process of the region and its consequences on health have given important insights into health determinants such as smoking, alcohol, diet and others. Although general picture of these nations is similar, some countries are doing better than the rest while some are still struggling much. The aim of this dissertation was to examine the socioeconomic determinants of noncommunicable disease risk factors in rapidly changing societies and their implications for noncommunicable disease prevention and control programmes. To achieve this aim, the data from the World Health Survey (2002-2004) was used which covered 15 501 adults from six countries of the FSU, namely: Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Russia and Ukraine. The NCD risk factors were smoking, heavy alcohol use, overweight and obesity, low fruit and vegetable intake, and physical inactivity. Additionally, co-occurrence of these five risk factors were studied by creating a new variable 'multiple risk factors' for people with none to all risk factors. Socioeconomic status was measured by education, current job and wealth quintile. All analyses were stratified by sex as the prevalence and patterns of NCD risk factors varied by sex. Multivariable logistic regression analyses were performed, employing a general modelling approach in favour of the study results to be comparable. The prevalence of low fruit and vegetable intake, male smoking, and overweight and obesity was high in this population, while that of heavy alcohol use and physical inactivity was lower than expected. Moreover, the level of multiple risk factors was very high in both sexes, but men had a higher number of co-occurring risk factors. The most common co-occurring combinations were low fruit and vegetable intake, overweight and obesity, and also smoking for men. From studied SES indicators, wealth quintile and current job were the most significant predictors of NCD risk factors rather than education. Educational level was not related to all NCD risk factors and multiple risk factors for females; whereas for males, it was associated with only smoking and multiple risk factors. Better educated men had lower likelihoods of smoking and three or more risk factors. On the contrary, wealth was associated with the majority of risk factors for both sexes. Wealthier males were less likely to be smokers, had higher intake of fruit and vegetables, and yet were more overweight and obese. Those from poor and the richest quintiles had lower likelihoods of multiple risk factors. Similarly to men, wealthier women were more likely to have adequate amount of fruits and vegetables. Rural women from the richest quintile had sedentary lifestyle, while wealth quintile was not significant for urban women. Likewise in men, wealthier women had more excess weight but it was only relevant for those women aged 45 and above. Wealth had some protective effect for heavy alcohol use among females, but not among males. Females working for pay, except those working for government, smoked more than those not working. Employers from both sexes had higher consumption of fruit and vegetables, in addition to government employees and self-employed men. All government employees and as well those males who are non-government employees or self-employed were at higher level of physical activity. Self-employed men from urban areas were more likely to have excess weight. Based on the study results, following conclusions can be drawn: 1) To tackle effectively certain public health problems, it is important to consider and understand the history and background of the society in regards to their social, economic and political context. 2) It is crucial to use all three dimensions of socioeconomic status (education, occupation, and wealth or income) in health inequality studies to detect the true picture for any particular population. Thus, it is advisable to gather all essential demographic and socioeconomic indicators in any data for health. 3) Finally, this thesis highlights the importance of socioeconomic determinants of NCD risk factors in these transition or rapidly changing countries with inadequate health systems. Health policies should address high levels of NCD risk factors by providing population-wide and individual-based preventive measures and policies, explicitly targeting those who are most vulnerable and poor, in addition to the implementation of multiple-intervention strategies that will achieve greater health gains targeting the most common co-occurring combinations of NCD risk factors.
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The topic of the thesis deals with Russia and the Olympic Movement, studying Russian national identity as it is described in the newspaper Sovetskij Sport during three past Winter Olympic Games (1988, 1992, 1994) and the upcoming Winter Olympic Games that take place in Sochi 2014 in the framework of international politics. The research task is to analyze, what kinds of discourses do the writings of Russian Olympic Committee's leading sports journal Sovetskij Sport use in times of the above mentioned Olympic Games in relation to the "West". It is studied, in which way can these discourses be understood as representations of national identity in the framework of political upheavals. Politics and sport are intertwined. Sport is a traditional arena for states to compete for symbolic, and material benefits. The symbolic development of sport is most satisfactorily comprehended when culture, sport, media, economics and ideology are all maintained as strong terms in the debate. Media is an important channel in influencing the masses with descriptions of reality. This thesis is grounded in the framework of International Relations theory's approach of interpretive, constructivist thinking, drawing from sociology and symbolic interactionism. The post-positivistic approach introduced instability and change into the study of international affairs. The expressions the Winter Olympic Games produce in a widely published newspaper correspond with the political reality as it is conceived at given times. Years 1988, 1992, 1994 were the times of Olympic Games when national identity had to be represented through the differing political regimes of Soviet Union, the CIS and Russia. The end of the Soviet Union was followed by the rise of 'Westernization' and the subsequent nationalistic tendencies, with attempts to define Russia's place in the international community. Olympic sports mirrored the challenges to the Great Power status and definitions that came with the lack of resources, dispersion of national identity and pride once defined by the powerful, party –led communist regime. The Winter Games in Sochi 2014, Russia represent an opportunity to establish a once again powerful might that is at the same time a recognized partner to the Western community. Discourse analysis is the research method used in this study. The prevailing discourse categories found in the materials represent nationality, the political system, the ways other countries perceive Soviet-Russia during the Games, the dominant system of sport, and commercialisation. The results show that the eras corresponding with the years of study reflect the state of international politics, and interaction between the different political systems of the 'West' and the Soviet Union/ Russia, drawing insights from the differing cultural aspects and the effects of economic systems. According to the results, national identity is clearly represented in the newspaper discourses, during Soviet Union through the communist propaganda of superiority, in the time of the CIS through the insecurities corresponding to the political system, and for Russia, reflecting challenges faced in disappointments with dealings with the 'West' – but at the same time with emotional notions of a homeland, blessed with the continuity of cultural uniqueness.
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[Introduction] East-West artistic connections during the Cold War were a complex range of phenomena including the circulation of works of art, travelling by art professionals, the exchange of practices and the adoption of art currents from the other side of the Iron Curtain. The Cold War has also been said to have influenced the arts and artistic processes in a number of ways. Yet, art has always shunned political borders, wavering between the guidance of individual and governmental patrons, and borderless expression. This chapter discusses an attempt at an extensive exchange of exhibitions between the Soviet Union and the United States around the late 1950s that involved New York's Museum of Modern Art, the Pushkin Art Museum from Moscow and many other leading art institutions. It illustrates the prospects of fine art in expanding the horizons of people, while at the same time it manifests the strict limitations that political players on both sides managed to impose on the arts. [Continues, please see the article] ; peerReviewed
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Tutkielma käsittelee Korean Demokraattisen Kansantasavallan (KDKT) ensimmäisen päämiehen ja johtajan Kim il-Sungin henkilökultin luomistyötä, sekä esikuvia, joita hän propagandakoneistonsa kanssa käytti henkilökulttinsa luomiseen. Tarkasteltu ajanjakso sijoittuu vuodesta 1945 noin vuoden 1962 loppuun. Alun perin Neuvostoliiton asevoimien tuella valtaan noussut nuori johtaja ryhtyi pian kehittämään itselleen omanlaistaan henkilökulttia, jonka esikuvina toimivat niin Neuvostoliiton Josef Stalin kuin myös kansallissosialistisen Saksan Adolf Hitler. Molemmat edellä mainitut diktaattorit toimivat Kim il-Sungille esimerkkinä monilla kulttuurin ja propagandan saroilla, niin esimerkiksi maalaustaiteessa, sanomalehdissä, radiossa tai filmillä esiintymisessä, kuin myös julkisessa esiintymisessä. Heidän esimerkkinsä toimi oppaana myös vaikuttamisen ja propagandan keinoissa, joiden avulla Kim il-Sung loi itsestään kansalleen ja ulkomaille kuvan suurena ja mahtavana valtionpäämiehenä, joka johtaa Koreaa Juche-aatteen avulla. Työ sivuaa myös Juche-aatteen syntymää, joka oli Kim il-Sungin henkilökultin peruspilari. Henkilökultin itsensä tavoin, myös Juche-aatteen luomistyössä Kim il-Sung sekä hänen valtiokoneistonsa käyttivät hyväkseen niin Neuvostoliitosta kuin Saksasta tuttuja esikuvia ja propagandan sekä vaikuttamisen keinoja. Näin Korean Demokraattiseen Kansantasavaltaan syntyi mielenkiintoinen poliittinen sekä yhteiskunnallinen järjestelmä, joka yhdisteli ideologisessa pohjassaan niin sanotusti parhaat palat sekä stalinistisesta kommunismista, marxismi-leninismistä, kuin myös kansallissosialismista, japanilaisesta militarismista, sekä klassisesta fasismista, aina kun vain Kim il-Sungin toiminta valtionpäämiehenä sekä todellisuudessa että propagandan sivuilla niin vaati. Tutkielman on pyrkimys osoittaa, että Korean Demokraattisen Kansantasavallan propagandakoneisto ja hallintomuoto vuodesta 1956 eteenpäin edustavat omanlaistaan, valtavirran kommunismista poikkeavaa sosialistisen kansallisuusaatteen linjaa, jolla oli vahvoja samankaltaisuuksia niin stalinismin kuin saksalaisen kansallissosialismin kanssa. Esimerkiksi Korea asiantuntija tohtori B.R. Myers on väittänyt näin viimeaikaisissa julkaisuissaan. Myös KDKT:n historian ja politiikan tutkimuksen toinen tässä tutkimuksessa usein siteerattu ammattilainen, tohtori Andrei Lankov, on myöntänyt Korean Demokraattisen Kansantasavallan hallinnon toimivan äärimmäisen taitavasti, sekä macchiavellistisesti poliittisten kysymysten ja ideologian soveltamisen parissa, mikä osittain tukee tutkimuksessa esitettyä väitettä. Metodien puolelta tutkielma seuraa sekä tohtori Reinhart Koselleckin että tohtori Quentin Skinnerin metodologisten teorioiden pohjaa, mutta sen lisäksi työssä on käytetty apuna myös teoreettisia esimerkkejä Max Weberin, Jorma Kalelan, Hannah Arendtin, Martin Heideggerin sekä Carl Schmittin näkemyksistä, sekä aihepiiriin liittyvistä metodologisista kysymyksistä.
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