The author analyzes the meaning of the phase "sovereignty of constitutions" & wonders whether "constitutional democracy" should be understood as a combination of a good political order in the Aristotelian meaning of taxis. The author looks into the different traditions in the evolution of constitutionalism using the examples of France, GB, & North America. In the case of North America, he refers to the idea of creating a mixed form of constitution or constitutional democracy, which allows for the democratic legitimation of power as well as for its constitutional restriction. The evolution of constitutionalism shows that constitutions now occupy the position that first belonged only to sovereign monarchs & later to sovereign peoples in democracy. Basically, normative constitutionalism leads to the situation in which constitutional courts give authoritative interpretation of constitutions that transforms a democratic/parliamentary state into a constitutional-court jurisdiction state. The author concludes that the sacralization of constitutions & constitutional courts does not necessarily stimulate the political process, a fact that opens new controversies. Adapted from the source document.
Krumpir (Solanum tuberosum) kakvog mi danas poznajemo zeljasta je višegodišnja biljka koja pripada porodici Solanaceae. Različite divlje vrste krumpira rasprostranjene su na jugu Sjeverne Amerike, u Meksiku, centralnoj Americi i po cijeloj Južnoj Americi. Pradomovina krumpira je Južna Amerika, područje Anda (Peru, Bolivija), gdje je Inkama, uz kukuruz, bio glavna hrana. U Europu se prenosi u 16. stoljeću te ga prvi put spominje švicarski botaničar Kaspar Bauhin 1596. god. pod nazivom Solanum tuberosum esculentum. U naše krajeve donijeli su ga graničarski vojnici 1779. i 1780. god. Razumljivo je da je i u našim krajevima bilo početnog otpora prema uvođenju krumpira u prehranu, ali i u samu poljoprivrednu proizvodnju. ; Potato (Solanum tuberosum) as we know today is a herbaceous several-years plant that belongs to the family of Solanaceae. Various wild potato sorts are spread out in the southern part of North America, in Mexico, Central America and throughout South America. The habitat of tomato is South America, the area of the Andes (Peru, Bolivia), where together with corn, it was the main Incas' food. It was introduced to Europe in 16th century and was first mentioned by a Swiss botanist Kaspar Bauhin in 1596 under the name of Solanum tuberosum esculentum. It was brought to the Croatian area by the soldiers of the Military Border in 1779 and 1780. It is understandable that in Croatian area there used to be the initial resistance to potato introduction into food, but also into the agricultural production as well.
Predmet je ovoga rada razvoj zakonodavstva nadležnoga za regulativu lijekova u Banskoj Hrvatskoj u razdoblju Austro-Ugarske i na istom području kasnije, između dva svjetska rata, u okviru nove države (Kraljevstvo/Kraljevina SHS, odnosno Kraljevina Jugoslavija). Na početku vremenskoga razdoblja samo su ljekarne po propisima farmakopeje izrađivale službene lijekove. Na kraju promatranoga razdoblja to je područje imalo farmaceutsku industriju, sposobnu pratiti dosege svjetske farmaceutske industrije. Rad je napravljen s namjerom prikazati kako je zakonodavstvo pratilo novosti u farmaciji i farmaceutskoj industriji te kako je također proaktivno uvodilo i činilo obvezatnim nova praćenja svojstava lijekova. ; The variety of human diseases and necessity for curing them resulted in the appearance of medicines and medical treatments. Traditional or people's medicines had been applied in the old times. Rulers realized over time the importance of getting medicines and medical treatments codified. Pharmacies, being in charge for the production of medicines, existed from 13th century. The Habsburg Monarchy proclaimed the General Sanitary Order (Das Generalsanitätsnormativum) in 1770, codifying that physicians should visit pharmacies and control their work once a year. The pharmaceutical industry has taken over medicines production in the late 19th and the first half of the 20th century in Western Europe and North America, and new methods of medicines production has been occurring ever since.The Banal Croatia, which included today's Croatia without Međimurje, Baranja (Baranya), Istria and Dalmatia, had been relatively independent in the health policies in the period from 1869 to 1918, and passed the Law on Pharmacies in 1894. The Law stipulated the control of pharmacies rather than the control over the pharmaceutical industry. The traditional approach prevailed in healing of many different health issues at the times when modern medicines had not yet been developed. Pharmacists were barred from knowing the properties of medicines made by manufacturers, since manufacturers have kept ingredients and recipes of their sources of income secret. State was the only one privy to all of the properties of a medicine and such a medicine was usually known as "a secret remedy". The Banal Croatia witnessed the birth of a large-scale manufacturing of secret remedies by companies held by Adolphe Thierry de Chateauvieux and Eugen Viktor Feller.The interwar period saw the proliferation of the Croatian pharmaceutical industry. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in which the area of the Banal Croatia had been extended to Međimurje and Baranja, established the control of medicines made by the growing pharmaceutical industry. At first, the manufacturers were responsible for their products. In 1925 a state surveillance and control of medicines production and sale was established. It meant that the state had accepted the responsibility for the quality of medicines thereby making the state quality-proof assignments put on package inserts of medicines, as well as making the state registries and other documents regarding the medicines control. The Control of Biologics Act of 1930 made it clear that biological medicines are more important and that they treated efficiently the larger scope of health issues than chemical medicines had. The regulation related to the state control of medicines from the same year had been the biggest achievement of the interwar medicines state control. The regulation of medicines became an overall state affair, with the state comptrollers actively involved in the control of each and every batch of medicines. Banovina Hrvatska, which had included the former Banal Croatia, created the state institutes for production as well as control of medicines aimed at the centralization and co-ordination of production and control of medicines. The assessment of the properties of medicines improved as well, from the control of harmlessness to the controls of purity and potency. The control of efficiency was introduced later. The development of the production and regulation of medicines in the territory of Banal Croatia in the timeframe selected for this article moved in line with the development that occurred in the Western Europe and North America. When the Second World War broke out modern medicines regulation was already in existence.
ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance is a web exhibition of atlases from the Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences of the University of Bristol (http://uobatlases.net/). It includes atlases produced between 1570 to approximately 1970.The exhibition consists of four thematic parts. Renaissance Theatres contains famous and les famous atlases produced between the end of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century, such as atlases by Ortelius (1574), Camden (1610), Speed (1611) and four atlas tomes by Blaeu (1645). Rhetoric of Truth contains geological and archaeological atlases from the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. However, Rhetoric of Truth is not only limited to renaissance, but it also encompasses first computer generated atlases, e.g. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) and others. The Colonial Gaze focuses on atlases applied in colonial projects and land exploitation in Africa and the Caribbean Islands, as well as in circulation of race theories in Europe and North America at the end of the 19th century. The last part, National Identities and Conflict explores the role of atlas as a powerful instrument for visualizing conflicts and shaping territorial-political ideas in the 20th century. ; ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance je izložba na mreži atlasa iz Specijalne zbirke i Škole geografskih znanosti (Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences) Sveučilišta u Bristolu (http://uobatlases.net/). Uključeni su atlasi od 1570. do približno 1970. godine.Izložba obuhvaća četiri tematske cjeline. Renaissance Theatres sadrži slavne i manje poznate atlase od kraja 16. do sredine 17. stoljeća., među ostalim, Orteliusov atlas iz 1574., Camdenov iz 1610., Speedov iz 1611. i četiri toma Blaeuova atlasa iz 1645. Rhetoric of Truth sadrži geološke i arheološke atlase iz 18. i početka 19. stoljeća. Međutim, cjelina Rhetoric of Truth nije ograničena samo na stoljeća prosvjetiteljstva već prožima i prve računalno generirane atlase poput npr. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) i neke druge. Treća cjelina The Colonial Gaze fokusirana je na atlase koji su primjenjivani u provedbi kolonijalnih projekata i eksploataciji zemljišta u Africi i na Karibima, ali i cirkulaciji rasnih teorija krajem 19. stoljeća u Europi i Sjevernoj Americi. Posljednji dio National Identities and Conflict istražuje ulogu atlasa kao moćnog instrumenta za vizualizaciju sukoba i oblikovanje teritorijalno-političkih ideja u 20. stoljeću.
Migracijski val od 2014. do 2016. u kojem je velik broj djece i majki iz država Sjevernog trokuta na putu prema krajnjem odredištu SAD-u bio u tranzitu Meksikom okarakteriziran je krizom. Kriza je podrazumijevala postojanje prijetnje koja opravdava provođenje izvanrednih mjera. Teza rada je da pod utjecajem SAD-a Meksiko migrante u tranzitu smatra prijetnjom sigurnosti građanima Meksika, a ne ugroženim pripadnicima istoga kulturnoga kruga koje treba zaštititi. Stoga se prema njima ne odnosi u skladu s ciljem ljudske sigurnosti, već primjenjuje silu. Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja. U prvom odjeljku dani su prikaz vrsta migracija i poimanje migracija u kontekstu ljudske i građanske sigurnosti, dok su u drugom analizirani potisni i privlačni faktori migracija iz država Sjevernog trokuta. U trećem odjeljku prikazana je politika tranzitne države Meksika prema ilegalnim migrantima. U radu je izložen sud o migracijskoj politici Meksika prema migrantima u tranzitu. Zaključeno je da je iz perspektive ljudske sigurnosti politika bila »loša« jer je bila diskriminirajuća i u neskladu s kulturno-političkim kontekstom te moralnim i zakonskim normama. No gledano iz perspektive nacionalne sigurnosti politika je bila »dobra« jer je bila ostvariva, postigla je rezultate uz prihvatljiv trošak ljudi i sredstva i njome su obranjeni državni interesi Meksika – dobri odnosi sa SAD-om. ; This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been "good" (in line with the political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or "bad" (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals. The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico's transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy. The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin. As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with "American requirements" and for the understanding of "American fears" of illegal migrants. After 11 September 2001, the fear became almost paranoid. Mexican presidents Fox, Calderon, and Nieto brought about and implemented a restrictive migration policy in line with the US policy, according to which migrants posed a threat to national security. Although repeatedly emphasising its intention to protect the migrants in transit, Mexico militarised and securitised its migration policy. This was particularly apparent after the 2014 Frontera Sur programme, which applied the same methods – arrest, deportation and denial of asylum – to the vulnerable population of women and children who largely satisfied the criteria for refugee status recognition. The PFS emphasised the intent to protect migrants, to better manage border crossings and to create security and prosperity zones in the south of the country. However, after two years of the programme's implementation it can be concluded that none of the objectives above have been achieved. Indeed, migrants in transit are additionally exposed to strife, suffering, and violations of their fundamental human rights, both by criminal organisations and the forces of law and order. Therefore, their transit has become much more uncertain than it was before. At the same time, human rights are violated by the state of Mexico itself, which denies migrants the right to asylum or recognition of humanitarian visas. The border in the south of the country has not become more secure. That PFS complies with US interests is apparent from the fact that the United States is its main source of funding, since it has managed to link the combat against drugs and migrants in transit via the Merida Initiative. The question is why have migrants continued to arrive despite everything mentioned above? It was their hope that somehow, they would reach the USA or, in the worst case, remain in Mexico. The most elementary human right, the right to life, is endangered in the countries of the Northern Triangle. In addition to personal insecurity, there are other human security threats in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador forcing the citizens to flee and emigrate from political, economic, environmental, and health and food insecurity. With everything being said, it is not easy to evaluate the Mexican migration policy. From a perspective of human security, it was "bad" because it was discriminatory and incompatible with the cultural and political context, as well as with moral and legal norms. Evaluated from a national security perspective, it was "good" because it was achievable, it has yielded results with an acceptable cost of staff and resources and has achieved state interests – good relations with the United States. At the same time, it is one of the tools Mexico can use in the future if Trump should decide against Mexican interests (significant taxing of Mexican products or deporting the many Mexican citizens illegally residing in the United States). Since Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador belong to the same cultural (historical, religious and linguistic circle), it was presumed that Mexico would pursue a policy that favours migrants and their protection; however, that did not happen. The authors agree with Kimball (2007: 140) that in the long run, Mexico will not be able to simultaneously advocate and implement both the pro- and anti-immigrant policy. The problem of the migrant wave, mostly consisting of mothers and children from the Northern Triangle countries, who were in transit through Mexico during 2014–2016, was attempted to be resolved via securitisation rather than care about their security. Castles de Haas and Miller (2014: 5) state that in the case of Mexico, there is a proliferation of migration transition, since it is turning from an emigration into an immigration country. To be more specific, with Trump coming to power, Mexico is increasingly not just a transit country, but also an ultimate destination country. Trump's immigration policy regarding immigrants from Central America suffers from deep historical amnesia related to the role of the USA in the Central American conflict of the 1980s, which has significantly destabilised the region. Moreover, Trump denounces and demonises as dangerous criminals the families, women and children, who have fled from violence contributed to by the USA (Portillo Villeda and Miklos, 2017: 53–54). This is one of the reasons the number of arrested migrants from Central America on the southern border of the United States has significantly decreased, but the number of asylum seekers in Mexico has increased threefold. There is a hope that new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador would perceive vulnerable Northern Triangle migrants more as a threat to human rather than national security.
Ovaj članak nastoji prikazati na istraživanju utemeljeno razumijevanje uloge medija u tranzicijskim zemljama. Naše se istraživanje fokusira na procese političke socijalizacije, na političko ponašanje i vjerodostojnost te daje primjere iz triju regija: središnje i istočne Europe, Latinske Amerike te Bliskog istoka i sjeverne Afrike. Pozornost smo skrenuli na neke od glavnih radova relevantnih za studije masovnih medija u tranzicijskom kontekstu s ciljem uvida u važne teorije dostupne u studijama o medijima i demokratizaciji. Svjesni ograničenja koja postavlja priroda i opseg uzorka pregledanih studija, identificirali smo i raspravili neke od potencijalnih ključnih prepreka razvoju teorije o političkoj socijalizaciji, političkom ponašanju i vjerodostojnosti u navedenim područjima te predložili alternativne pristupe u istraživanju. ; This article seeks to compile an empirically-based understanding of the role of media in countries in transition. The study focuses on the processes of political socialization, behaviour and accountability, and gives examples from three regions: Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East/North Africa region. We draw on some of the major works relevant to the study of mass media in these transitional contexts with the aim of discerning emergent theories available to the study of media and democratisation. While aware of the limitations posed by the nature and scope of the sample of the studies reviewed, we do identify and discuss some of the potentially key obstacles to theory-building and propose some alternative paths of enquiry.
U radu se razmatraju ključna pitanja osposobljavanja radnika za siguran rad u operativnom šumarstvu kao temeljnom uvjetu kvalitete i ekonomičnosti rada u šumarskoj proizvodnji. U osvrtu na stanje osposobljavanja u razvijenim europskih zemljama navode se obveze poslodavaca vezano za odgovarajuće osposobljavanje rukovatelja strojeva, uređaja i alata pri izvođenju šumskih radova. Pritom se prikazuju pristupi i trendovi u osposobljavanju u posljednjem desetljeću te modeli i postignuti dosezi s posebnim naglaskom na do sada razvijene sustave certificiranja osposobljavanja u Europi i ključne elemente takvih sustava. Kao primjer uspješnih rješenja prikazuju se modeli osposobljavanja putem šumarskih trening centara, gdje se obukom stečena znanja i vještine potvrđuju obveznom provjerom i izdavanjem certifikata. Stanje stručnog osposobljavanja šumskih radnika u Hrvatskoj razmatra se u kontekstu moguće primjene pojedinih europskih sustava certificiranja šumskog rada u Hrvatskoj. S obzirom na potrebe, postojeće stanje osposobljavanja i profil ključnih aktera šumarskog sektora Hrvatske, kao najizglednijom za skoru primjenu u Hrvatskoj, ocjenjuje se provedba europskog standarda za rukovatelja motornom pilom. Zaključno se daje pregled zakonodavnih i organizacijskih zahtjeva za primjenu do sada razvijenih europskih modela u izgradnji sustava certifikacije osposobljavanja šumskih radnika u Hrvatskoj. ; The Introduction provides an overview of research findings related to danger and risk in the forestry profession toward other sectors through the standard indicators of safety at work on the example of the United States, Spain, Germany, Austria and other countries. On the other hand, training and periodical qualification verifying of the employee to work with the operating machinery and safe working practice are emphasized as an essential element in the process of improving the quality of work and safety in operational forestry. In addition, trends and changes in the education and training of human resources in forestry in general and the role of vocational training of forest workers in the prevention of injury and increase operational safety levels at work are cited.The subtitle material and method provides the most relevant sources that are used as the basis for drafting paper, such as, a document entitled »Professions and Training in Forestry – results of an inquiry in Europe and North America«, Eduforest International internet platform and internet platform of the European Forestry and Environmental Skills Council. Also, for the purpose of the paper forming the application of analysis and synthesis, comparison and compilation methods is explained.The third subtitle displays situation analysis of workers vocational training in forestry sector within which the Copenhagen Declaration is highlighted, which advocates strengthening and popularization of vocational education and training.Networks and programs in the field of forestry training within Europe are listed in the Table 1., and more detailed analysis of registered educational institutions in the Eduforest network basis and the results of the analysis are shown in Figure 1 and Figure 2. Heading 3.1 clarifies the role of vocational training of workers in forestry. In addition, a positive step of vocational training of workers in forestry at European level is highlighted through the establishment of the European Forestry and Environmental Skills Council whose mission is to simplify the mobility of workers in forestry and arboriculture within the EU through processes of accreditation and promotion of individual national qualifications between the partner countries at European level. Current condition on vocational training for chainsaw operator in the forestry of Croatia are explained in subtitle 3.2. Inconsistent and incomplete programs and training activities, a significant reduction, or the absence of practical training and the use of non-transparent criteria in the carried out training assessment are cited as the biggest problem. Subtitle 3.3 clarifies the role and contribution of the European Forestry and Environmental Skills Council in the training of workers. The subtitle lists the criteria for acquiring the status of a national center / agency prescribed by EFESC Handbook, and the list of national agencies accredited by the EFESC in Table 2. The logo of the European Forestry and Environmental Skills Council is presented in Figure 4. Implementation of the European Chainsaw Standard is explained in the text and four levels of European Chainsaw Standards are presented in Figure 6. Figure 7 displays German example of the European Chainsaw Standards implementation, and Table 3 shows the implementation of European Chainsaw Certificate within EFESC countries.The heading Discussion and Conclusion specify the limits of training and vocational training in the scope of forestry on the example of the dual education within the specialized institutions, namely, forestry training centers that provide comprehensive training in technical, safety and vocational aspect. In conclusion, in this paper the technical, organizational and legislative guidelines are listed for the potential implementation of the European model of certification of forest workers in the Croatian forestry with the aim of improving the current situation.
U radu se analizira nastanak i razvoj Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike EU i uloga ključnih zemalja (osovine Berlin-Pariz-London) u tom procesu. Cilj rada je detektirati unutarnje i vanjske prepreke i izazove na putu integracije ove politike s posebnim fokusom na Brexit i "nove" transatlantske odnose. U tom smislu nastoje se istražiti moguće refleksije izlaska Ujedinjenog kraljevstva Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske kao vojno najsnažnije europske zemlje iz Europske unije na budući razvoj i integraciju Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike EU i "novo" transatlantsko partnerstvo koje je počelo izborom Donalda Trumpa za predsjednika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Autori smatraju da je zbog ova dva izazova buduća integracija Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike u limbu i da će francusko-njemačko partnerstvo i odnosi sa zemljama "nove Europe" biti od presudnog značaja u novom strateškom pozicioniranju ove politike i eliminiranju negativnih implikacija prethodno spomenutih izazova. ; This article analyses emergence and development of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union and the role of key countries (Berlin-Paris-London axis) in that process. The aim of the paper is to detect the internal and external obstacles and challenges to the integration of this policy with specific focus on the Brexit and "new" transatlantic relations. In this regard, the authors aim to explore how withdrawal of the United Kingdom of the Great Britain and Northern Ireland, as Europe`s strongest military country, from the European Union will reflect on the future development and integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy of European Union and "new" transatlantic partnership that had begun by Donald Trump`s election for the president of the United States of America. Authors hold that these two challenges set the future integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy into the limbo and further consider that French-German partnership and relationships with the countries of the "New Europe" will be crucial to the new strategic positioning of this policy and in eliminating negative implications of the aforementioned challenges.
Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.