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The article is based on an analysis of certain aspects of how the public opinion of selected nations in years 2001–2016 perceived the American foreign policy and the images of two Presidents of the United States (George W. Bush, Barack Obama). In order to achieve these research goals some polling indicators were constructed. They are linked with empirical assessments related to the foreign policy of the U.S. and the political activity of two Presidents of the United States of America which are constructed by nations in three segments of the world system. Results of the analysis confirmed the research hypotheses. The position of a given nation in the structure of the world system influenced the dynamics of perception and the directions of empirical assessments (positive/negative) of that nation's public opinion about the USA.

"Prezentowana monografia zawiera pogłębioną i wielowątkową analizę efektów integracji handlowej krajów o różnych poziomach rozwoju gospodarczego. Przedstawiono w niej wyniki badań opłacalności liberalizacji wymiany międzynarodowej z perspektywy kraju słabiej rozwiniętego. Za przykład posłużyło Północnoamerykańskie Porozumienie o Wolnym Handlu - unikalne w skali światowej ze względu na asymetrię rozwoju gospodarek uczestniczących w nim państw. Ocenę skutków integracji dla Meksyku sformułowano na podstawie szerokich studiów literaturowych i empirycznych. Publikacja jest jednym z pierwszych w Polsce opracowań naukowych ukazujących w sposób kompleksowy przebieg procesów integracji gospodarczej na kontynencie północnoamerykańskim."--

Presented in this article are negotiations that the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Edward Raczyński had in North America (United States, Canada). These include meetings held between the dates of 15th of February and 13th of March 1942. The main purpose of the visit, apart from organizing all the finer details connected with the arrivalof the Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief was to increase the United States interest in European issues (especially Polish matters). Among Raczyński's other tasks one was to recognize the possibility of the signing of a Polish-American political agreement and another was to raise a favorable loan from the United States. ; Przedstawione w artykule rozmowy ministra spraw zagranicznych Edwarda Raczyńskiego przeprowadzone w Ameryce Północnej (Stany Zjednoczone, Kanada), obejmują spotkania pomiędzy 15 lutego a 13 marca 1942 roku. Głównym celem wizyty, oprócz wymiaru organizacyjnego związanego z przewidywanym wkrótce przylotem premiera i wodza naczelnego gen. Władysława Sikorskiego, było zwiększenie zainteresowania Stanów Zjednoczonych kwestiami Starego Kontynentu ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem spraw bezpośrednio związanych z Polską. Do innych zadań leżących w kompetencjach Raczyńskiego było wybadanie gruntu odnośnie co do możliwości podpisania polsko-amerykańskiego układu politycznego oraz zaciągnięcia w Stanach Zjednoczonych korzystnego kredytu walutowego.

Przedstawione w artykule rozmowy ministra spraw zagranicznych Edwarda Raczyńskiego przeprowadzone w Ameryce Północnej (Stany Zjednoczone, Kanada), obejmują spotkania pomiędzy 15 lutego a 13 marca 1942 roku. Głównym celem wizyty, oprócz wymiaru organizacyjnego związanego z przewidywanym wkrótce przylotem premiera i wodza naczelnego gen. Władysława Sikorskiego, było zwiększenie zainteresowania Stanów Zjednoczonych kwestiami Starego Kontynentu ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem spraw bezpośrednio związanych z Polską. Do innych zadań leżących w kompetencjach Raczyńskiego było wybadanie gruntu odnośnie co do możliwości podpisania polsko-amerykańskiego układu politycznego oraz zaciągnięcia w Stanach Zjednoczonych korzystnego kredytu walutowego. ; Presented in this article are negotiations that the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Edward Raczyński had in North America (United States, Canada). These include meetings held between the dates of 15th of February and 13th of March 1942. The main purpose of the visit, apart from organizing all the finer details connected with the arrivalof the Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief was to increase the United States interest in European issues (especially Polish matters). Among Raczyński's other tasks one was to recognize the possibility of the signing of a Polish-American political agreement and another was to raise a favorable loan from the United States.

Extraction and import – structure of covering the oil demand in Poland during 1990–2017.A b s t r a c t.Fromthe beginning of the 20th century until the interwar period, Poland was at the forefront of crude oil producers in theworld, and then in Europe. Poland, as a result of war damage, and first of all territorial changes that occurred after World War II, lost significant resources of this raw material. At the same time, the development of oil demand, related to the economic recovery of the country, contributed to the need to develop imports, which during 1990–2017 increased from 13.0 million tons to over 24.0 million tons of crude oil. Poland, due to the technical configuration of domestic refineries, as well as the availability of the "Przyjaźń" pipeline, imports crude oil mainly from Russia. However, Polish refineries have the opportunity to develop alternative sources of supply through the availability of Naftoport in Gdañsk. Thus, the progressive diversification of supplies, causes a decline in the share of Russian oil (from 95% during 2001–2005 to 74% in 2017), for the benefit of raw material from the Middle East, but also North America or other European countries. The extraction of crude oil from domestic deposits increased in the analyzed period from 0.15 million tons to 0.94 million tons in 2017, but in recent years it covers only 3–4% of domestic demand.

This article presents the results of an experimental research carried out in Poland on selected aspects of social capital. These aspects were trust and trustworthiness. Our research was conducted on a total of 1540 students at universities in 16 Polish cities, capitals of 16 administrative regions, and was based on a commonly used experimental game termed the 'Trust Game'. These results were compared with the results of studies performed in many other countries all over the world. It has been found that with regard to the proportion of money returned by Player B (a measure of trustworthiness), Poles (and more generally, those from Central and Eastern Europe) do not significantly differ from other countries belonging to Western culture (Oceania, Western Europe, North America). Based on the proportion of the money transferred by Player A (a measure of generalised trust), there is only a weak indication that Poles are less trusting than other Europeans. ; Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań eksperymentalnych nad wybranymi aspektami kapitału społecznego w Polsce na tle innych państw. Analizowane są w nim aspekty: zaufania i wiarygodności. W artykule porównano wyniki badań opartych na typowej grę eksperymentalną (grę "zaufanie"), w tym polskie badania autorów przeprowadzone na grupie 1540 studentów w 16 miastach – stolicach regionów Polski. Wyniki badań wskazują, że względem proporcji pieniędzy oddanych przez gracza B (miara wiarygodności), Polacy (oraz ogólnie mieszkańcy Europy Centralnej/Wschodniej) nie różnią od osób z kultury zachodniej (Oceania, Europa Zachodnia, Ameryka Północna). Biorąc pod uwagę proporcję pieniędzy przekazanych przez gracza A (miara zaufania), istnieją słabe tylko dowody, że Polacy przekazują mniejszą część (czyli są mniej ufni) niż pozostali Europejczycy.

Latin America has played at all times a significant part in the foreign policy of the United States. Its geographical proximity, colonial descent, as well as common interests of all American countries toward the policy of the European colonial powers - these are historically primordial factors that have determined their relations. In course of time, as USA investments in Latin America grew, and the system of the political-military relations consolidated, also with respect to the USA global policy, the countries of Latin America got interrelated in a peculiar way with their northern neighbour. At present their mutual relations are noticeable at the arena of culture and propaganda. The present work perceives the cultural policy and foreign propaganda pursued by the United States as a broad complex of phenomena involving both the passage of wealth, values, and standars of culture, and the political purposeful persvasive actions, affecting the views, attitudes, and conduct of the pe.ople, as an instrument applied to put into effect the strategical aims of the. USA foreign polioy. At the same time it represents a stable integrator of the western hemisphere. The two decades (1960s and 1970s) of cultural policy and foreign propaganda discussed in the present work are' a period that allows to trace the characteristic manifestations, and to regard the trends appearing as the regularities of this sphere of social activity. The conception of tjie culture and propaganda influence, elaborated in the beginning of the 1960s has been modified in accordance with new occurrences taking place in Latin America, and with their perception by the particular administrations. The political function of this influencing, its aims,¡contents and implementing methods have not undergone any change. The work is composed of three fundamental sections - chapters. The first one "The determinants, and the programmatic directions of the USA culture-propaganda influence in Latin America" attempts to present the foreign policy programmes, and their stageB to define the place and role of the culture-propaganda influence in the USA strategies adopted to Latin America. Chapter two "The organization of the administration machinery" illustrates the extremely complex, multisectorial, and hierarchical system of the state and non-state organizations programming, coordinating, and implementing the actions under discussion. The third chapter "The forms, and techniques of the culture-propaganda influencing" describes the big business activity in Latin America in the field of mass-communication, its dominance at the information market, and its impact on the mass culture and education. Moreover the author discusses the state institutions activity in the field of radio, TV and film propaganda, face-to-face communication, bi-national centres and military schooling stations, as well as public utilities operation. Latin America constitutes too differentiated area to adopt preferential techniques to the entire region. Nevertheless the preference is noticeable. This refers to the radio-TV propaganda, face-to-face communication, bi-national centres operation, and arises from the influencies directing mainly onto middle classes predestinated to adopt foreign standards and values.

Monografia zawiera liczne ryciny. ; The end of the 80-ties and the beginning of 90-ties years is the period when new trends occur in the wandering movements of the population in Poland, including considerably higher inflow of foreigners than up to now. For the first time in the post war history of our country we have to do with a considerable selected temporary as well as permanent immigration. Thus Poland has emerged as an attractive country to live and to manage business activity and is able to draw more and more immigrants. While examining the phenomenon of permanent immigration to Poland since 1946 (Fig. l), few phases can be shown. The first is 1946-1960, the second one lasts until 1990 and the third immigration phase is beyond 1990. The subject of our analysis is the third immigration phase after 1990, because from that time markedly increased the inflow of foreigners to Poland. Jointly during the period 1990-1995 over 35.1 thousand persons have settled in Poland (Fig. 1). Analysing the inflow of population from abroad we can say about the permanent escalation of this process. It is indicated by the comparison of the immigration magnitude in following years and by the fact that from 1989 to 1995 the yearly inflow has grown al most four times, from 2.2 thousand to 8.1 thousand persons, respectively. A characteristic feature of the immigration from abroad is the great disproportion in the scale of inflow to towns an villages. Majority of the foreigners proceed to larger centres, therefore in the country this is only a marginal phenomenon. Since 1989 over 30 thousand foreigners have settled in towns, thus this makes 83% of the inflow in this period, while in the country less then 7 thousand. In the structure of the inflow to Poland (1991-1995) al most half of the persons have secondary education (45%), 33% university education and 7%. So almost 85% of the immigrants are persons with secondary or university education (Fig. 2). Of this about 80% of the persons are at productive age, the rest makes of children up to 18 years of age and persons over 60. (Fig. 3). The proportions between the number of men and women are al most equal (55% and 45%, respectively), but according to the origin country some differentiation can be observed (Fig. 4). In the structure of inflow according to countries 65% of the immigrants come from European countries and the former Soviet Union. 3.5% from Northern America and 8.6% jointly from Asia and Africa. The highest number of immigrants come from Germany (24.1 %), from the USA (16.2%) and from the form er Soviet Union (15%). Examining the problem summarily for the last 6 years, from 1990 to 1995, we can notice that the greatest inflow of foreigners was noted in the voivodeships: Warszawa (4.9 thousand), Gdańsk (2.9 thousand), Katowice (2.5 thousand) and Wrocław (2.1 thousand). In the next five voivodeships (Szczecin, Poznań, Opole, Kraków and Łódź) the inflow was for l to 2 thousand persons. Generally these voivodeships are characterised by a high degree of social-economical development and low degree of unemployment. In the shadow of the immigration streams there are such voivodeships as Bielsko-Biała, Chełm, Piotrków Tryb., Sieradz, Leszno and Ciechanów voivodeships. The joint inflow over the period 1990-1995 was 35.1 thousand persons (Fig. 7). Reassuming, we can state, that starting from the 90-ties years the immigration to Poland is continuously growing.

Canada took part in creating United Nations Organization and actively participated in many UN specialized organizations. It was also the co-author of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Contributed in negotiations in the matter of the prohibition of continuing the experiences with the nuclear weapon, supported Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems. Canada acted as a leader of the British Commonwealth, the allied of United States, moderator in the Atlantic Alliance, mediator in solving international conflicts. Canada was involved as the economic power in solving global problems, and also offered help for undeveloped states. Beginning from the end of years 60. the politics of Canadian governments brought to the reduction of defense expenses, and in the result brought some problems with the Canadian identity. The Canada balances among the necessity of the co-operation with United States and the protections of own independence. New defense strategy introduced in 2008, Canada First. Defense Strategy, created possibilities of change in the defense policy. New strategy give possibility of the armed forces strengthening and the strengthening of the international position of the Canada, however these introduced changes are meeting some difficulty after years of negligence s.

The world and also the United States of America are not any safer by undertaking countermeasures after the 9/11 attacks. Finding the adequate modus vivendi in the new situation is the priority of the European Union. What is the purpose and what is the consequence of the aggressive attitude of Islamic radicals toward the Western World? Does this aggression derive from the ideology of hatred against the Western World and its values or is it rather a result of previous actions of the USA and its allies before and after the attacks on America? What has been done in the military and social-economy level to improve the security of the European states in terms of terrorist attacks? And finally what actions should be undertaken to increase the safety level of the Europeans and to decline the risk of terrorist attacks? First section of this article is devoted to the reason for terrorist attacks beginning from early 1990's until the tragic final in September 2001. It concentrates on reasons for the frustration of the Islamic radicals driving to acts of terror against military staff, institutions and civilians. Afterwards appears the American response – Bush's doctrine with its fundamental pillars: unilateralism, fight against states supporting terrorism, right to the pre-emptive strike and the introduction of democracy there, where the aggressive regimes are present. The Europe follows the American path and must handle its effects. Consequently the Europeans marginalized the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Organization by participating in wars in Iraq and in Afghanistan under the auspices of Washington. The last chapter about the social and economic dimension of the European fight against terrorism describes stereotypes between Europeans and Muslims which show no tendency to decline. On the opposite the tendency shows the increasing feeling of mistrust. Concerning economy the lack of strong business bonds is the reason for the lack of further cooperation and might indirectly lead to the aggressive attitude and the rise of radical ideologies. Poverty and the lack of perspectives is the basis for fundamentalism.