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Except for dairy producers, who have benefited from price and income support programs dating back to New Deal legislation from the 1930s, coverage for livestock and livestock products remained largely confined to ad hoc supplemental disaster coverage until 2000. In 2000, livestock producers became eligible for coverage on a pilot basis under the federal crop insurance program. Unlike crop insurance, which indemnifies producers based on production or revenue losses, livestock insurance protects producers against declines in futures prices for livestock products or against declines in futures price margins between output and input products (for example, feed costs). Until 2018, coverage under livestock insurance was minimal, partly because statutory caps on expenditures limited producer subsidies. In 2018, Congress lifted the cap on expenditures, and premium subsidies were increased for livestock products. As a result, livestock insurance has grown dramatically over the past three years, with total liabilities in 2021 at $14 billion, up about 2,800 percent from just $512 million in 2018. Despite this expansion, these liabilities are still only about 10 percent of the $136 billion in total liability for all crop policies in 2021.1 Nevertheless, the recent rapid growth in participation in the federal livestock program raises concerns that the cost to taxpayers of insuring livestock may far exceed what the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) forecasted when the expenditure cap was removed from the program. Perhaps more worrying is that this program provides subsidized price support to producers who already have access to private futures and options markets that offer risk management protection against price declines. With subsidies, producers have little incentive to manage risk through private markets. Programs that guarantee minimum prices for producers are not new to agriculture, but when they are coupled to production, they can distort production and marketing decisions and harm foreign suppliers. US livestock product exports have grown significantly in recent years, and such support potentially exposes US exports to challenges by foreign suppliers through the dispute settlement mechanism at the World Trade Organization. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI5; 3 Building Inclusive and Efficient Markets, Trade Systems, and Food Industry ; MTID

Niagara is a work of magical realism, incorporating elements of historical and experimental fiction. The novel is inhabited by the problematic moguls and politicians who shaped American settlement, the burgeoning subculture of freight train hoppers that post their travels on the internet, and an author turned ghost who can no longer remember his past work.

Jennifer Thomson, assistant professor of History at Bucknell University, is joined by three students who discuss the idea of anarchism as presented in Ursula Le Guin's The Dispossessed. The group examines their preconceptions about anarchy as well as the language and social structures that support society on the planet Anarres.

Crises can have significant effects on the method of policy creation and on the content of the resulting policy itself. This paper investigates the method of policy creation employed in response to the financial crisis of 2007-2008. In particular, this paper looks at the creation and implementation of the Dodd-Frank Act that attempted to address the causes of the crisis and minimize the likelihood and severity of future crises. By using a rational choice theory and a transaction cost analysis framework to investigate the actions taken by political actors as they responded to the unfolding crisis, this paper investigated the method of policy creation and the motivations that determined it. A close reading of the actions of the legislative branch during the crisis and post-crisis period investigating whether the actions were consistent with the results predicted by delegation theory literature found considerable support for the abdication hypothesis during this crisis. It also became apparent that a few key constraints including time limits and consultation requirements were used extensively by congress during this period to control the actions of agents that were delegated power whereas some other sorts of constraints. By way of comparison, other constraint types were used sparingly. Congress also appears to have had specific motivations for the choice of agent to delegate to which were present for most of the acts of delegation. These included ensuring agency independence, ensuring coordination, leveraging agency expertise, and ensuring constant and long-term attention to an issue. Along with congress' explicit delegation of power to the administration, there were considerable amounts of implicit delegation in which executive branch actors asserted powers that were not explicitly delegated. The instances of implicit delegation decreased later in the crisis as the focus of policy creation shifted from mitigating the current crisis to forestalling future crises. During the crisis, the president primarily relied on the power to persuade and largely avoided using executive actions to create policy. In addition, minimal power and authority was delegated by congress directly to the president during this financial crisis.

This article challenges the presumed multilateral aversion of the George W. Bush administration. It argues that, at least in its approach toward the Asia-Pacific, this administration has been a more active and stimulatory advocate of multilateral approaches than is commonly acknowledged. The article begins by documenting the Bush administration's multilateral activism in the Asia-Pacific and examines those factors which appear to have contributed towards it. It then goes on to demonstrate, however, that Bush's at times unexpected enthusiasm for multilateral approaches has encountered a high degree of regional reticence. For a part of the world that has been affording an increased prominence to multilateral institutions and activities, this finding is initially both surprising and significant. The article concludes by seeking to account for this apparent anomaly and by considering its possible implications for the emerging regional architecture.

This article challenges the presumed multilateral aversion of the George W. Bush administration. It argues that, at least in its approach toward the Asia-Pacific, this administration has been a more active and stimulatory advocate of multilateral approaches than is commonly acknowledged. The article begins by documenting the Bush administration's multilateral activism in the Asia-Pacific and examines those factors which appear to have contributed towards it. It then goes on to demonstrate, however, that Bush's at times unexpected enthusiasm for multilateral approaches has encountered a high degree of regional reticence. For a part of the world that has been affording an increased prominence to multilateral institutions and activities, this finding is initially both surprising and significant. The article concludes by seeking to account for this apparent anomaly and by considering its possible implications for the emerging regional architecture.

Les femmes sont sous-représentées dans la conception de logiciels sur mesure, malgré les interventions politiques visant l'équité dans ce secteur, tant en Amérique du Nord qu'au sein de l'Union européenne. Les choix de formation des filles sont bien sûr en cause, mais n'expliquent pas tout; ces femmes abandonnent ces emplois bien rémunérés en plus grande proportion que les hommes, pendant que ces secteurs souffrent d'une pénurie de main-d'oeuvre. L'étude de la conciliation entre la vie privée et la vie professionnelle permet de mieux rendre compte de ce phénomène. La gestion de projets entraîne un effet d'exclusion des femmes, qu'on explique par l'exigence deflexibilité, soit de se prêter à des heures supplémentaires illimitées et imprévisibles, souvent sans rémunération en sus. Dans cet article, nous proposons que le modèle même deprofessionnalisationemprunté par les gestionnaires de projet induit un ethos qui promeut le respect des impératifs en matière d'heures de travail et soutient l'effet d'exclusion plus qu'il ne le module.