Suchergebnisse

THE COLONIAL INTRUSION IN AFRICA BROUGHT ABOUT A CHANGE IN THE TRADITIONAL PRE-COLONIAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SOCIETY AND THE ARMY IN COLONIZED AREAS, SO THAT ARMED FORCES BECAME CLEARLY DISTINGUISHED FOR THE FIRST TIME FROM THE SOCIETIES IN WHICH THEY WERE INPLANTED. THIS COLONIAL RELATION BETWEEN SOCIETY AND THE ARMY STILL PERSISTS IN POST-COLONIAL AFRICA

Explores the issue of North-South representation through states & nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) by examining African state diplomatic representation to the Bretton Woods institutions & the US. Problems analyzing NGOs are laid out, revealing the complicated alliances that develop in the diplomatic community. Attention turns to formal African diplomatic representation & NGO activities on behalf of African constituencies in Washington, DC. Representation of an individual African state operates in various fora, & there is little official interaction between NGOs & these fora. In this light, Bush administration initiatives for Africa are considered in terms of how states & NGOs clash when their policy goals conflict & when they compete for resources with tandem interests. Some suggestions are offered for improved African state & citizen representation in formal international institutions. J. Zendejas

DISCUSSES NUMBER OF ISSUES IN THE NATION BUILDING OR INTEGRATION PROCESS FOR DEVELOPING AFRICAN NATIONAL-THE AUTHOR LONSIDERS ALTERNATIVES TO NATIONAL INTEGRATION WHICH TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE SHARED INTERESTS OF AFRICAN NATIONS. IDENTIFIES THE CONCEPTS OF FONCTIONAL AND COMMUNAL INTEGRATION AND LOOKS AT THE CASES OF NIGERIA, ETHIOPIA ZZIRE, AND OTHERS.

THE NEW ALLIANCE BEWTEEN AFRICAN AND ARAB NATIONS AS CULMINATED IN THE OAU SUMMIT AT ADDIS ABABA IN MAY OF 1973. THE AUTHOR CONCLUDES THAT IT IS TOO EARLY TO ASSESS THE FULL IMPACT OF THIS DEVELOPMENT ON AFRICA'S STRUGGLES AGAINST THE WHITE SUPREMACY GOVERNMENTS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA. HOWEVER, IT IS CERTIN THAT THIS UNITY WILL HAVE A PROFOUND EFFECT ON THE AFRICAN POLITICAL SCENE.

The Addis Ababa Conference of Independent African States was held on May 22–25, 1963, and was attended by the heads of state of 30 African countries. The Conference adopted six resolutions and a Charter to establish an organization to be known as the Organization of African Unity (OAU).

The Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), consisting of the foreign ministers of the member countries, met in Dakar, Senegal, on August 2–11, 1963, under the chairmanship of Mr. Doudou Thiam (Senegal) in pursuance of the decisions taken at the Addis Ababa Conference of African heads of state and government.

The Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) held its second session in Lagos, Nigeria, on February 24–29, 1964. Adopting nineteen resolutions at this session, the Council sought to fulfill the purposes of the OAU Charter by coordinating and harmonizing the general policies of OAU member states.

The third ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) took place in Cairo, July 13–17, 1964. The Council examined 21 applications from "freedom fighter" organizations for representation in that body. The government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) was represented at the meeting of the Council of Ministers, but when it was announced that Moise Tshombe, the new Congolese Prime Minister, would attend the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, objections were raised by a number of Heads of State and Ministers. As a result Mr. Tshombe announced that the Congolese government would not take part in the Assembly.