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The terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 by the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, initiated a series of changes in U.S. security policy. The amount of power the executive government, special services and police had was greatly extended in the name of the war on terror. A country that used to be characterized by openness, commitment to freedom and civil liberties, has become a country that spies on its own citizens. It has turned out that "the police of the world" do not comply with international law themselves and use torture against people suspected of terrorist activities. ; The terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 by the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, initiated a series of changes in U.S. security policy. The amount of power the executive government, special services and police had was greatly extended in the name of the war on terror. A country that used to be characterized by openness, commitment to freedom and civil liberties, has become a country that spies on its own citizens. It has turned out that "the police of the world" do not comply with international law themselves and use torture against people suspected of terrorist activities.

Personality traits and the preference for metal music – preliminary meta-analysis of previous researches

The article presents the relations between personality traits and preference for metal music in view of previous psychological research. First reports concerning the influence of personality traits on music preferences appeared in the middle of the 20th century (Cattel & Anderson 1953). Social stereotypes relating to heavy metal fans have had an impact on formulation of research hypotheses according to which this group is characterised by antisocial behaviour, suicidal tendencies, depressive moods, substance and alcohol abuse, school problems and dysfunctional families. However, past researches have demonstrated a predictive value of different traits, such as openness to experience, risk-taking, extraversion and sensation seeking.

Polish society gathers features specific to "late modernity" period. In this period grows up the meaning of organizational forms, flow of information, trust to other people and complicated technical systems, uncertainty, taking a risk as well as progressive economic, political and cultural globalization. One of threats and challenges is the process of population ageing. The article attempt to recognition of specific safety problems of old men's in Białystok. Safety is treated as necessary condition for far more researches on practical solutions connected with the professional activity of seniors and growth of their social participation. Assurance of seniors safety can lead to lowering costs of their maintenance as well as the formation of positive attitudes towards old age and cultural openness. The work brings closer connections between safety and social capital topics as well as chosen empirical analyses.

This article discusses the results of four editions of an opinion poll conducted among Poles that dealt with the reception of war migrants from Ukraine and referred to involvement in helping them. It was conducted on a survey panel on: 24.02.2022 (N = 1000), 4.03.2022 (N = 1653), 24.05.2022 (N = 1783), and 21.10.2022 (N = 1774). It showed, among other things, that the level of acceptance of Poles for reception people fleeing the war was high, as it oscillated between 70% and even 80%. Poles' willingness to help Ukrainians has also been changing since the beginning of the war, as well as the perception of forced migrants in the labour market and in society. Poles showed a high degree of openness, as confirmed by research. They supported, financially, in kind, or through their own involvement, those who sought refuge due to the war. However, the survey also showed Poles' concerns about the presence of forced migrants.

The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.

The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.

The purpose of the paper is to study the actions undertaken by the European institutions, aiming at a larger openness of resources, such as cultural works, scientific publications and educational materials, as well as to examine the motivations and results thereof. The European Union, being the area of production of a significant number of works belonging to each of the aforementioned categories, views these resources as strategic to its development. Thus it has taken diverse measures in order to maintain an appropriate balance between the public (social) interests, understood as open access to the resources, and the private interests, prioritising the protection of the owner's rights. The paper demonstrates that these actions are not uniform due to a diverse character and standing of these resources in the economy. The first instruments regarding scientific and educational resources had been implemented ten years before the implementation of legislative measures concerning the cultural products. Hence the public interests, meaning users' access, were treated as more important than the private proprietary rights.

Zamachy terrorystyczne przeprowadzone 11 września 2001 r. przez organizację Al-Kaida na World Trade Center i Pentagon, zapoczątkowały szereg zmian w polityce bezpieczeństwa USA. Poszerzono uprawnienia władzy wykonawczej, służb specjalnych i policji w zakresie wojny z terroryzmem. Z państwa charakteryzującego się otwartością, przywiązaniem do wolności i swobód obywatelskich, Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki przekształciły się w kraj inwigilujący własnych obywateli. Jak się okazało "policjant świata" sam nie przestrzegał prawa międzynarodowego i stosował tortury wobec osób podejrzanych o prowadzenie działalności terrorystycznej. ; The terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 by the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, initiated a series of changes in U.S. security policy. The amount of power the executive government, special services and police had was greatly extended in the name of the war on terror. A country that used to be characterized by openness, commitment to freedom and civil liberties, has become a country that spies on its own citizens. It has turned out that "the police of the world" do not comply with international law themselves and use torture against people suspected of terrorist activities.

The Poles and the Ukrainians in the 20th century history had several political and ethnical conflicts, confrontations (Polish-Ukrainian war in Galicia in 1918–1919, massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia carried out by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during WWII, forced displacement of the Ukrainian minority in Poland in 1947), but reconciliation processes determined the events of the last quarter century. After gaining independence, the bloody conflicts of the last century could not be tools in politics in both Poland and Ukraine. Moreover, many common projects have been started since 1991. The Poles in the post-independence period showed appropriate empathy to their eastern neighbours' problems (development of national identity and state-building) and were proactive during this period in improving Polish-Ukrainian relations. The article intends to show that in the Central European region it is possible to conduct dialogue, achieve reconciliation between two neighbouring countries, show openness to this dialogue (with ourselves and with our neighbours), and manage the potential conflicts during these process. What is more, consistent behaviour of decision-makers (in political and civil sphere) was present in the past quarter century in the Polish-Ukrainian relations and was largely absent from Hungarian-Slovak, Hungarian-Romanian, Hungarian-Serbian, or Hungarian-Ukrainian relations.

The Poles and the Ukrainians in the 20th century history had several political and ethnical conflicts, confrontations (Polish-Ukrainian war in Galicia in 1918–1919, massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia carried out by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during WWII, forced displacement of the Ukrainian minority in Poland in 1947), but reconciliation processes determined the events of the last quarter century. After gaining independence, the bloody conflicts of the last century could not be tools in politics in both Poland and Ukraine. Moreover, many common projects have been started since 1991. The Poles in the post-independence period showed appropriate empathy to their eastern neighbours' problems (development of national identity and state-building) and were proactive during this period in improving Polish-Ukrainian relations. The article intends to show that in the Central European region it is possible to conduct dialogue, achieve reconciliation between two neighbouring countries, show openness to this dialogue (with ourselves and with our neighbours), and manage the potential conflicts during these process. What is more, consistent behaviour of decision-makers (in political and civil sphere) was present in the past quarter century in the Polish-Ukrainian relations and was largely absent from Hungarian-Slovak, Hungarian-Romanian, Hungarian-Serbian, or Hungarian-Ukrainian relations.

The article presents the results of the analysis of the Polish media discourse on the problem of paedophilia cases and paedophilic acts among the clergy in the years 2013-2019. A particular emphasis in the analysis was placed on the events and components of the process known in social sciences as the moral panic. The study used the method of critical analysis of media discourse (the analysis covered portals known as right-wing, left-wing and liberal) along with the analysis of the existing data. The results of the study show that in Polish society there is a discursive overcoming of the topic of paedophilia and openness to the debate around ways to solve the problem, also on the side of church institutions. Over the past six years, there has been a significant transformation of public discourse on the subject of paedophilia cases of the clergy and postulated ways of solving the problem. The study observed the impact of the symbolic elites - politicians, journalists, members of organizations and people of culture on progressive changes at the level of perception of the phenomenon. During the analysis there was also noticed the process of creating a new enemy in the form of a sexual minority environment and the sexualization of children, which, in the opinion of the examined environments, is expected to increase the scale of paedophilia.

The objective of this paper was to analyze the sociocultural and personal reasons pivotal to the openness of the conflicting parties to a dialogue in the framework of family mediation. In the quest to answer the question what factors can influence the development of the family mediation in Poland and its acceptance both by the society and the families in conflict, the author presented the results of international and Polish research on the efficacy of the family mediation process and the readiness of the parties to use the mediation in family conflicts. Two theoretical concepts characterizing the sociocultural origins of resistance to mediation were analyzed in detail, namely that of the social resistance proposed by B. Mayer and that of the moral resistance by R. Benjamin. Moreover, the paper addressed the issue of the promotion of mediation together with the unrealistic expectations as to what can be achieved through mediation, mythologization of mediation and dilemma connected with the neutrality of the mediator. Finally, an integrated systemic approach to family mediation was proposed, which could enhance the chances of acceptance of the mediation by the parties in conflict. In essence it is proposed that the promotion of mediation should be exercised on three levels: (1) general societal level (to promote the winwin solutions in family conflicts), (2) level of specific educational activities for the conflicted parties (e.g. organization of premediation consultative meetings), and (3) level of specific actions targeted at various professional groups (e.g. judges, lawyers, probation officer, employees of the family support centres, etc).

The purpose of the paper is to study the actions undertaken by the European institutions, aiming at a larger openness of resources, such as cultural works, scientific publications and educational materials, as well as to examine the motivations and results thereof. The European Union, being the area of production of a significant number of works belonging to each of the aforementioned categories, views these resources as strategic to its development. Thus it has taken diverse measures in order to maintain an appropriate balance between the public (social) interests, understood as open access to the resources, and the private interests, prioritising the protection of the owner's rights. The paper demonstrates that these actions are not uniform due to a diverse character and standing of these resources in the economy. The first instruments regarding scientific and educational resources had been implemented ten years before the implementation of legislative measures concerning the cultural products. Hence the public interests, meaning users' access, were treated as more important than the private proprietary rights. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza działań podejmowanych na poziomie UE, dotyczących otwierania cyfrowych zasobów, takich jak wytwory kultury, prace naukowe bądź materiały edukacyjne, wraz z rozpoznaniem ich motywów oraz skutków. Unia Europejska, w której tworzy się wiele dzieł należących do każdej z wymienionych dziedzin i która przyznaje, że są to zasoby strategiczne dla jej rozwoju, podejmuje działania w zakresie polityki publicznej w celu zachowania równowagi pomiędzy interesem publicznym (społecznym), czyli dostępem do owych zasobów, jak i interesem prywatnym, a więc prawami właścicieli. Ze względu na odmienny charakter i miejsce tych zasobów w gospodarce, działania te nie mają jednorodnego charakteru. Zasobami naukowymi i edukacyjnymi zajęto się około 10 lat wcześniej niż zasobami kultury. Również interes społeczny, czyli dostęp odbiorców, okazał się w ich wypadku ważniejszy niż prywatne prawa własności.

Power has been one of the key issues in the study of international relations since the famous words of Hans Morgentau that in world politics power is pitted against power for supremacy and survival. The attention given to its analysis within the last 65 years has been a product of such as Morthenthau's understandings of power which see it as the most important causal force in state interactions. However, despite the amount of research on the subject, there is little agreement among scholars as to what it is and where does it come.The author briefly examines various views on the determinants of power starting from a classical realist and strictly actor-based one to a dualist approach which emphasizes the importance of international structure. He finds that all share a similar idea that power — to some extent — comes from the material capabilities of states (material determinants). Building upon previous research conducted on the validity of the democratic peace theory he then argues that it may also stem from the political system of the state (systemic determinants).Subsequently the author analyzes the significance of various material and systemic power determinants to war outcomes using nine diff erent non-linear econometric models (polynomial logit) composed of various sets of variables relating to power determinants. He then examines the degree to which particular models explain war outcomes of interstate military conflicts between 1816 and 1991 and which of the variables seem statistically significant.The results clearly show that neither the advantage in military personnel numbers, nor in the amount of money spent on arms influences the state's chances of victory. In the case of the total value of imports the findings are similar. On the other hand the value of the states exports, as well as certain systemic parameters such as competitiveness and openness of executive recruitment and executive constraints prove to be of statistical importance.

Power has been one of the key issues in the study of international relations since the famous words of Hans Morgentau that in world politics power is pitted against power for supremacy and survival. The attention given to its analysis within the last 65 years has been a product of such as Morthenthau's understandings of power which see it as the most important causal force in state interactions. However, despite the amount of research on the subject, there is little agreement among scholars as to what it is and where does it come.The author briefly examines various views on the determinants of power starting from a classical realist and strictly actor-based one to a dualist approach which emphasizes the importance of international structure. He finds that all share a similar idea that power — to some extent — comes from the material capabilities of states (material determinants). Building upon previous research conducted on the validity of the democratic peace theory he then argues that it may also stem from the political system of the state (systemic determinants).Subsequently the author analyzes the significance of various material and systemic power determinants to war outcomes using nine diff erent non-linear econometric models (polynomial logit) composed of various sets of variables relating to power determinants. He then examines the degree to which particular models explain war outcomes of interstate military conflicts between 1816 and 1991 and which of the variables seem statistically significant.The results clearly show that neither the advantage in military personnel numbers, nor in the amount of money spent on arms influences the state's chances of victory. In the case of the total value of imports the findings are similar. On the other hand the value of the states exports, as well as certain systemic parameters such as competitiveness and openness of executive recruitment and executive constraints prove to be of statistical importance.