Suchergebnisse

The article attempts to interpret changes in the character of communication strategies applied in election competitions during the 20th century. The most important change seems to be shift from cleavage-based to issue-based communication in election campaigns. Such a shift can be interpreted as the result of modernization process (individualizing) & the growing rationality of both factions: voters tend to support specific political parties expecting certain benefits, whereas political parties tend to emphasize those issues which can satisfy voters' demand. Over time, particular issues can, on the basis of successfully executed policies, be "transferred" into the ownership of specific political parties. When the communicated issue is salient, the issue ownership can bring advantages in polling. This brings a new dimension to party competition: Now parties have to compete with other agenda setters for (issue) dominance in the public, media & political spheres. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the concept of cleavages in the 21st century. Cleavages are understood as the criteria dividing members of a community or sub-community into groups. The application of the original Lipset & Rokkan cleavage theory on the current socio-political reality can be done only with difficulties, or at the price of considerable simplification (which is the consequence of the defreezing of party systems). Therefore on the basis of the work of Mair & Bartolini, the article looks for the criteria "that makes cleavage a cleavage." Furthermore, using the example of the digital divide concept, it is shown there are at present latent cleavages in society, but their "strength" & importance is dependent on their saliency (in connection with political actor behavior). This leads to the assumption that current cleavages are "dynamic" rather than "static.". Adapted from the source document.

Der Verfasser zieht zuerst eine Reihe diplomatischer Akte zugunsten des Nachweises heran, daß vor dem Kriegsende keiner der beiden westlichen Alliierten irgendwelchen Vertreibungsplänen zugestimmt hat. Ebensowennig wurde die Vertreibung der Deutschen aus Mittel- und Osteuropa von der Potsdamer Konferenz angeordnet. In dem gesamten - in der Studie Schritt für Schritt untersuchten - Konferenzverlauf ist das Streben der Westalliierten spürbar, die bereits laufendee Aussiedlung aufs Minimum zu reduzieren und ihren Verlauf zu verzögern, sowie und insbesondere den Transfer unter internationaler Kontrolle aufgrund entsprechender Abkommen geordnet und human zu gestalten. Daher ist es völkerrechtlich unstatthaft, den Artikel XIII der Postupium-Deklaration als die Rechtfertigung der Vertreibung anzusehen. Der Umstand, daß dies in Polen und Tschechien nach wie vor geschieht, zeuge von schweren mentalen Folgen, die die ethische Grundlage neu entstandener Rechtsordnungen gefährden und die Perspektiven von Ost- und Mitteleuropa verdüstern. (BIOst-Hrs)