Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Les résultats des élections européennes qui ont eu lieu le 26 mai 2019 en Allemagne sont symptomatiques des évolutions contrastées de la société allemande. Leur analyse montre l´écroulement des partis traditionnels de rassemblement que sont les Chrétiens-démocrates et les Sociaux-démocrates, la montée des Verts et le maintien de la Droite radicale populiste. Dans quelle mesure ces résultats représentent-ils une remise en question du clivage politique traditionnel gauche-droite? Cet article, appuyé sur une série de cartes, met en lumière une forte polarisation spatiale du champ politique autour des Verts et de la Droite radicale populiste : on voit réapparaître l'ancienne partition territoriale de la Guerre froide sous forme de « frontière fantôme ».

© Practical Action Publishing, 2019. The definitive, peer-reviewed and edited version of this article (Version of Scholarly Record) is published in Waterlines, 38, 2, pp.123-134, 2019, https://doi.org/10.3362/1756-3488.18-00039. ; This paper presents the main results from a knowledge, attitudes, and practices (KAP) survey on water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) in government schools in the State of Palestine (SoP). In 2012 a baseline WASH KAP survey was conducted in 411 schools. In 2015–2016 a statistically representative survey was performed; the sample included 381 of the 411 schools originally sampled in 2012. The survey targeted basic and secondary schools in urban and rural areas of all educational directorates in the West Bank and Gaza. The survey was conducted by UNICEF in coordination with the Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MoEHE). The findings of the 2016 survey show positive changes in the availability of potable water in schools, which also enabled hygiene and sanitation activities to improve. For instance, more schools taught hygiene education to students on a daily basis in 2016 than in 2012. However, the survey revealed that ensuring the participation of parents and students in WASH activities and continuity of supply of soap, toilet paper and sanitary pads remains a challenge. This paper concludes with recommendations to further improve the access to WASH in Palestinian schools.

Das Argument der Gesetzesumgehung hat im unvollständig kodifizierten Arbeitsrecht traditionell große Bedeutung. Im Vergleich zu anderen obersten Gerichten geht das BAG methodisch eigene Wege. 1960 entwickelte es die Figur der objektiven Gesetzesumgehung, die jahrzehntelang als Grundlage der Rechtsfortbildung diente. In neueren Entscheidungen betrachtet das BAG die Gesetzesumgehung als Fall des individuellen oder institutionellen Rechtsmissbrauchs. -- Tanja Rudnik untersucht, inwieweit diese Rechtsprechung mit anerkannten Methoden der Auslegung und Rechtsfortbildung vereinbar ist und ob arbeitsrechtliche Besonderheiten eine abweichende Methodik rechtfertigen. Obwohl das BAG seine Entscheidungen zur objektiven Gesetzesumgehung allein anhand von Wertungen begründet, entsprechen sie im Ergebnis meist der Methodenlehre. In Entscheidungen zur »rechtsmissbräuchlichen Umgehung« entfernt sich das BAG dagegen unnötig weit vom Gesetz. Methodisch vorzugswürdige Lösungen werden aufgezeigt. / »Circumvention of the Law in the Jurisdiction of the Federal Labour Court« -- Tanja Rudnik uses methodology to examine the Federal Labour Court's jurisdiction on circumvention of the law from 1960 to today. She highlights methodological deviations from general civil law that cannot be justified by particularities of labour law. In recent decisions, the Federal Labour Court regards circumvention of the law as a subset of abuse of rights. Thereby it deviates unnecessarily far from the written law. Methodologically preferable solutions are presented for various case groups.

In this paper we explore in which ways and to what extent Swedish visitor centres in protected sites work as forums for public deliberation on environmental issues, such as nature conservation and natural resource management. By hosting deliberations on nature in nature the deliberation process is connected to its materiality. Nature interpretation sessions at three such centres, called naturum, were analysed to achieve a picture that displays the range of content and formats of these guided tours. To explore their deliberative democratic potential, we also examine how these nature interpretation sessions relate to societal and democratic issues in different ways. The conclusions are that naturum has an underdeveloped capacity to serve as a communicative forum for public deliberation on the environment and that the new national guidelines for naturum may contribute to renewed roles of the guide and the visitor in interpretive sessions, in which the citizen will be in focus.

The a griculture and food sector in India employ a significant proportion (about 44 percent) of the workforce, the majority of whom are not very educated and lack formal or informal skill training. Hence, they are unable to make the most out of their occupation. About 67 percent of the population in India is aged 15-64 years while 27 percent is aged 0-14 years (UNFPA n.d.). This offers both a challenge and an opportunity to skill the youth as well as the existing workforce in India with the objective to improve their productivity and enhance their incomes. This paper is a scoping study of policies and institutions that are operational in this context of skill formation in India, with a focus on the agriculture and food sector. It takes stock of ongoing initiatives and programs, their design and scope in achieving skill development in general and related to the agriculture and food sector in particular. In terms of policy, skill development has been accorded high priority with an objective to make the programs aspirational for youth as well as for them to recognize the value of experience and knowledge. The focus is laid on quality of training, assessment, and certification thus ensuring standards and greater market acceptability. These are prerequisites for investments in skills to bring higher returns in terms of remunerative jobs. The government has been a catalyst of change in this area in terms of designing, implementing and financing of such programs. The role of private players including both potential employers as well as global partners (government, business and non-governmental organizations) has been widely recognized in upgrading the scope, target and outcomes as well as ensuring sustainability of the national skill development program. As technology plays a very important role in sustainable value chains, it creates demand for a better skilled workforce, and accordingly rewards them with better paid jobs and higher returns in farming. Hence designing appropriate qualification packs and training ...

The agriculture and food sector in India employ a significant proportion (about 44 percent) of the workforce, the majority of whom are not very educated and lack formal or informal skill training. Hence, they are unable to make the most out of their occupation. About 67 percent of the population in India is aged 15-64 years while 27 percent is aged 0-14 years (UNFPA n.d.). This offers both a challenge and an opportunity to skill the youth as well as the existing workforce in India with the objective to improve their productivity and enhance their incomes. This paper is a scoping study of policies and institutions that are operational in this context of skill formation in India, with a focus on the agriculture and food sector. It takes stock of ongoing initiatives and programs, their design and scope in achieving skill development in general and related to the agriculture and food sector in particular. In terms of policy, skill development has been accorded high priority with an objective to make the programs aspirational for youth as well as for them to recognize the value of experience and knowledge. The focus is laid on quality of training, assessment, and certification thus ensuring standards and greater market acceptability. These are prerequisites for investments in skills to bring higher returns in terms of remunerative jobs. The government has been a catalyst of change in this area in terms of designing, implementing and financing of such programs. The role of private players including both potential employers as well as global partners (government, business and nongovernmental organizations) has been widely recognized in upgrading the scope, target and outcomes as well as ensuring sustainability of the national skill development program. As technology plays a very important role in sustainable value chains, it creates demand for a better skilled workforce, and accordingly rewards them with better paid jobs and higher returns in farming. Hence designing appropriate qualification packs and training programs with a focus on innovations all along the value chains (that help promote technology adoption, facilitate effective value chain management, etc.) are critical. Also, innovative models of outreach (for example, classroom training for agricultural professionals, agricultural entrepreneurs, farmer field schools, and e-platforms) can add substantial value to skills at very low cost. Hence, scaling up fast is necessary to benefit the agriculture and food sector in India. While this paper gives an overview of the landscape of various programs and projects, and how they are being implemented by various actors (government, domestic private sector and international agencies), there is dire need to evaluate their outcomes in terms of increased incomes and more stable jobs of those trained through these programs.

Europe is increasingly required to assume greater responsibility for its own wellbeing and security. The debate about strengthening Europe's ability to exert influence and act on its interests revolves around concepts such as strategic autonomy and - above all in France - European sovereignty. But rarely are these terms defined, or their political and practical implications explained.In this publication strategic autonomy is defined as the ability to set priorities and make decisions in matters of foreign policy and security, together with the institutional, political and material wherewithal to carry these through - in cooperation with third parties, or if need be alone. This understanding encompasses the entire spectrum of foreign policy and security, and not just the dimension of defence. Autonomy is always relative. Politically it means growing readiness, a process rather than a condition. Autonomy means neither autarchy nor isolation, nor rejection of alliances. It is not an end in itself, but a means to protect and promote values and interests. The authors of this collaborative study offer more than definitions. They explore what Germany needs to do, on its own and in cooperation with its European partners, to achieve greater strategic autonomy. What difficulties and conflicts of goals are to be expected. What is necessary and urgent? What is possible at all? What resources will Germany and Europe need to commit? What red lines will Germany encounter in its own internal politics and among its partners? And which questions will need further political dicussion?

Does peacebuilding shape the regime type of countries where international missions are deployed? Most peacebuilding missions take place in authoritarian contexts, and seek to overcome the legacies of conflict by overseeing transitions to democratic rule; however, most regimes that experience peacebuilding still retain some form of authoritarian rule. In this article, we examine the extent to which international peacebuilding missions contribute to the consolidation of post-conflict authoritarian regimes even when their stated aims involve the promotion of democracy. We argue that international peacebuilders can act as enablers of authoritarianism in host countries. We distinguish this category of behaviour from explicit 'autocracy promotion', which implies intentional support to autocracy. Instead, enabling is often an unintended consequence, and we identify two mechanisms through which enabling occurs: by building the capacity of incumbent authoritarian leaders and by signalling a permissive environment for authoritarian behaviour for national actors. We illustrate our argument with the case of the United Nations peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

International audience ; Les résultats des élections européennes qui ont eu lieu le 26 mai 2019 en Allemagne apportent une illustration majeure de la remise en question progressive du clivage politique traditionnel gauche-droite 1. Ils sont également symptomatiques des évolutions contrastées de la société allemande dans le contexte de cumul des crises en Europe-économique et financière, migratoire, climatique, voire identitaire. Ils montrent en particulier l´écroulement des partis traditionnels de rassemblement que sont les Chrétiens-démocrates et les Sociaux-démocrates, la montée des Verts et le maintien de la Droite radicale populiste. En effet, parmi les 96 sièges attribués à l´Allemagne au Parlement européen, 29 reviennent à l´Union chrétienne-démocrate (CDU)/Union chrétienne-sociale (CSU) (28,9%), 21 à l´Alliance 90/Les Verts (20,5%), 16 au Parti social-démocrate (SPD) (15,8%), 11 à l´Alternative pour l´Allemagne (AfD) (11%) et 5 sièges au parti de gauche antilibéral Die Linke (5,5%). Ces résultats s'inscrivent dans le contexte d'un intérêt renouvelé pour ce scrutin : le taux de participation a été en hausse très sensible par rapport aux élections européennes précédentes, passant de 48,1% en 2014 à 61,4% en 2019. Ces résultats témoignent aussi d'une forte polarisation politique sur la question de l'intégration européenne. Figure 1 : Scores des principaux partis aux élections européennes de 2014 et 2019 1 Pour un historique des élections européennes en Allemagne, voir Tulmets (2004).