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New statutory Relationships and Sex Education (RSE) guidance for schools in England was published in 2019. The RSE guidance was revised following heavy criticism, as well as a need for RSE to incorporate relevant legal changes in the UK such as the Same-Sex Marriage Act (2013) and the Equality Act (2010). One of the major revisions since the preceding version has been the new inclusion of LGBTQ+ identities and relationships. Some groups in the UK have recently mobilised against this inclusion of positive teaching about LGBTQ+ identities and relationships. Groups have, for example, held public protests outside schools in Birmingham. The protests suggest that although there is overwhelming support for the new guidance, there are still groups in society who are opposed to democratic teaching about this dimension of equality. This paper firstly analyses the key discursive strategies deployed by the anti-LGBTQ+ protest groups to distort progressive views of gender and sexuality within the UK school context. I conduct a discourse analysis of talk in some of the publicly-available video recordings of the protests, as well as associated press reporting of the protests. The discursive practices are analysed using Van Dijk's (1992) and Marlow's (2015) critical discourse analysis frameworks for analysing discriminatory discourse and denial strategies. I then compare the language used by the protest groups against the language used by other UK groups who support and continue to campaign for LGBTQ+ inclusion in RSE. The groups focused on are Schools Out (an education charity focused on making schools safe for LGBT communities) and Imaan LGBTQ (the UK's leading LGBTQ charity). Positive discourse analysis (Bartlett, 2012; Hughes, 2018; Martin, 2004), as a progressive dimension of critical discourse analysis, is used to examine how the language used by these groups functions to resist the discriminatory discourse used by the anti-LGBTQ+ groups analysed in the first part of the paper. Analysis of the discourse used by the two ...

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This brief article seeks to answer, with examples, some of the more common questions that policy‐makers and practitioners in children's services often ask about randomised controlled trials (RCTs). It is essentially a primer, and those wishing to read further on these issues might find it helpful to start with the books discussed in the review article by Hobbs and colleagues in this special edition (p40).

Resumen del trabajo presentado a la XVIII Reunión de la Sociedad Española de Fisiología Vegetal (SEFV) y al XI Congreso Hispano-Luso de Fisiología Vegetal, S2-P40: Crecimiento y desarrollo, celebrados en Zaragoza (España) del 8 al 11 de Septiembre de 2009. ; This work was supported by the Andalusia Regional Government (project P06-AGR-01791) and the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (MCeI, project AGL2008-00517/AGR). ; Peer reviewed

Alors que de manière surprenante, l'agriculture reste en marge des négociations et des accords sur la lutte contre les changements climatiques, la FAO propose et porte depuis 2009 le concept d'agriculture intelligente face au climat (climate-smart agriculture [CSA]). Fondé sur une préoccupation émanant du champ de l'agriculture et de ses institutions, il suscite d'importants débats politiques. À l'instar de nombreux concepts nés ces dernières années à la lisière du monde politique et des communautés scientifiques, il bouscule les frontières et les modes épistémiques. Les acteurs politiques attendent des " evidences ", des réponses à leurs questions, des solutions à leurs problèmes, une caution pour crédibiliser les engagements à prendre… alors que la pensée est peu stabilisée et l'univers si incertain. L'espace politique et les interpellations diverses et variées, les comportements émergents mais aussi les critiques formulées par de nombreux acteurs à l'égard de la CSA, conduisent les scientifiques à organiser une série de conférences scientifiques mondiales. En refusant le piège du dogme, de la définition par la norme de ce qui serait ou ne serait pas labellisé " intelligent " et en insistant sur la nécessité de postures critiques, l'enjeu est de ne pas céder à la tentation d'une volatilité extrême des concepts, mais au contraire à faire de la CSA un cadre d'analyse et d'interprétation pertinent et opérationnel pour traiter des liens entre climat et agriculture.

This paper studies how comparative advantage and the political elites' endowments shape long-run performance in an economy with imperfect political institutions. In a capital-scarce economy, an autocrat catering to the needs of landowners favours openness to trade at an early stage of development, while an autocrat complying with the preferences of capitalists chooses to shelter the economy from trade. The trade regime interacts with economic institutions, and with policies on capital mobility, to govern capital accumulation. A landed autocrat neglects to improve institutions and blocks foreign capital to maximize extractable rents, leading the economy towards stagnation. By contrast, a capitalist autocrat strengthens institutions, which promotes manufacturing TFP growth, gradually shifts the comparative advantage towards manufacturing and renders the economy attractive to foreign investors. Allowing for trade and foreign capital inflows are thus complementary policies that provide an environment of growth and development in the capital autocracy.

Juste avant Copenhague, la capacité de l'expertise scientifique à peser pour faire advenir un accord en matière climatique a pu sembler très importante. Elle est depuis largement remise en question, voire en cause. Le lien entre les travaux du GIEC (Groupe d'experts intergouvernemental sur l'évolution du climat) et la configuration des négociations est donc un élément essentiel à analyser. Cette intervention se propose de revenir sur les groupes de travail qui composent le GIEC, les différents types d'incertitudes et de controverses auxquels ils sont confrontés et la manière dont leur travail de synthèse peut, ou pas, influer sur les négociations et les politiques. Comment ce rôle va-t-il évoluer demain, quels sont les enjeux et les défis auxquels cette expertise va devoir faire face ? En particulier, quels sont les enjeux d'une expertise en agriculture et sur les pays du Sud ?

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Andrei Shleifer and Daniel Treisman recently rendered a summary verdict on the post-Soviet Russian transition experience finding that the Federation had become a normal country with the west's assistance, and predicting that it would liberalize and develop further like other successful nations of its type.This essay demonstrates that they are mistaken.It shows factually, and on the norms elaborated by Pareto, Arrow and Bergson that Russia is an abnormal political economy unlikely to democratize, westernize or embrace free enterprise any time soon.

Pour pouvoir étudier non-invasivement chez l'homme l'enregistrement non moyenné de potentiels cérébraux à un stimulus sensoriel, il faut dis¬ poser de critères permettant de valider les résultats en maîtrisant les interférences dues aux bruits instrumentaux ou physiologiques. Nous avons tiré parti de la latéralisation de la réponse cognitive P40 au cuir chevelu pariétal du côté opposé à la main stimulée pour déceler, dans la réponse non moyennée, la présence d'une positivité aux latences définies dans nos travaux antérieurs. La cartographie topographique de réponses cérébrales non moyennées apporte une méthodologie nouvelle pour valider les réponses cognitives précoces.

Abstract. With the emergence of first political structures of the world, struggles between them gave rise to the concept of power. Since the ancient times, power has played an important role in the concept of international relations and made a significant contribution to the establishment of the discipline as an autonomous structure. The concept of power, which has always maintained its importance, has evolved in time and, for the time being, is known for its rather soft side. In this century, many academic studies that dealt with the soft side of the power have been published, however, while being mentioned in popular publications, the concept has not been favored in the academic publications in Turkey. With this dissertation that is the first study that deals with the soft power within the context of international relations, we intended to contribute to the filling of the void in the Turkish literature. For this purpose, we first discussed the concept of power and the soft power in every aspect. Afterwards, we analyzed the soft power potential of Turkey culturally, politically and within the frame of foreign affairs practices and essentially in the context of Middle East, Caucasus and Central Asia regions. As the soft power sources that may influence the national politics may vary for every country, we chose Azerbaijan as the model of this study and sought for an answer to the question, "How Turkey can possibly/efficiently have the soft power influence over Azerbaijan?". As the hypothesis of the study and the answer of the question, we considered the cultural link between these two countries would constitute the most important and effective soft power source. In the conclusion of the study, we interviewed a group of fifteen Azerbaijanis that consisted NGO members, journalists and academicians thus proved the hypothesis of the study.Keywords. Soft Power, Azerbaijan, Culture, Political Values, Foreign Affairs.JEL. B30, H19, H70, L31, P40.

Corruption is one of the world's most widespread political problems. It can be found on international, national and sub-national level. Access to education and other socio-economic services is of utmost importance for all humans. It is still not exclusively based on merit, but often rather unfairly distributed and allocated depending on corrupt local bureaucrats. We utilize a micro level measure of corruption based on the personal experiences of individuals, which realistically represents the linkage between individuals and public office holders. For the empirical analysis, we utilized the Afrobarometer survey of 36 African countries that contains information of more than 50,000 citizens. Corruption is found being negatively correlated with the access to water, education, health and paved roads, while positively associated with access to sewage system and having no significant association with access to electricity grid. The findings reveal that in order to expand the access to basic socioeconomic services, governments need to control corruption in public offices on a daily basis.

This paper uses the 2013 World Value Survey, as well as the 2016 and 2018 waves of the Arab Barometer, to analyze the dynamics of trust in public institutions in Lebanon. It finds strong evidence that confidence in most public institutions has decreased between 2013 and 2016. The evidence of this decrease is robust to the numerical scale assigned to the different ordinal categories of trust and to assumptions on the missing values generating process. This finding highlights the importance for policymakers in developing countries to survey the perceptions and political attitude of their constituents in order to improve the performance of public institutions.

After being dormant for several decades, populism has resurfaced in Europe and North America. Since the beginning of the 21st century Europe's populist parties have tripled their vote and were able to put their leaders into government posts in eleven countries, which has increased thirteen fold the population living under populist regimes. The virus has even contaminated Anglo-Saxon countries, which were considered immune. This new strain of populism seems different from the one that infected Latin America for most of the second half of the 20th century. Instead of fostering class struggle it appeals to racism, xenophobia and anti-globalization. In this regard, it has a closer resemblance to early 20th century European populist strains. Although much has been written about populism, a widely accepted definition remains elusive. Before Hugo Chavez burst into the political scene in Venezuela, Argentina's Juan Perón (1895-1974) was considered the quintessential Latin American populist leader. Perón was undoubtedly one of the most successful politicians of the 20th century. Although he entered politics in 1943 Peronism still dominates Argentine politics. Even though it may seem harder to define than populism, its study offers valuable clues about populism's nature and meaning that are relevant today in modern advanced democracies.

Coastal systems are special cases of coupled infrastructure systems (CIS). Here, system fragilities that exist elsewhere are magnified due to the unique features of the coastal natural infrastructure which exhibits a concentration of resource scarcity within a densely linked CIS in the vicinity of several key thresholds (e.g., salt vs freshwater). Accordingly, coastal regions warrant special attention and can provide early insights into other systems of intertwined human and natural infrastructure. In order to better understand the characteristics of such CIS, existing common pool resource (CPR) theories and methodologies were applied to the comparative analysis of coastal vulnerability to global change in three regions: Cornwall, Britain; Languedoc, France; and Eden District, South Africa. Utilizing an interdisciplinary, collaborative approach, we iteratively "translated" local research findings from the three systems into the Robustness Framework and applied the design principles of long-enduring CPR governance systems before comparing the outcomes. We found that: (1) the density of connections in the coastal systems magnified unintended consequences of poorly coordinated rules (e.g., rules governing coastal development, environmental protection, watershed management, etc.) which often pursue disparate goals; (2) a devolution of authority from the national to the local level coupled with government austerity measures is limiting the ability of local governments to mitigate the effects of climate change, and is fostering an under-provisioning of public soft infrastructure; and (3) short-term political agendas are favoring the production of large-scale hard infrastructure projects over long-term mitigation/adaptation strategies. These three characteristics inhibited institutional robustness, magnified CIS fragilities, and caused vulnerability transfers. We argue that our iterative and transdisciplinary comparative approach provides insights into key features of complex coastal CIS which may be useful to the examination and understanding of other densely linked systems. (Texte intégral)