Suchergebnisse

"La cosa più incomprensibile del mondo è il fatto che sia comprensibile", ebbe a dire un giorno Albert Einstein. A ben pensarci, non è stupefacente che l'Universo abbia un'intima essenza razionale e matematica, tale da abilitare la mente umana a indagarlo e a conoscerlo? Questo libro tratta dell'evoluzione storica del concetto di razionalità, dal mondo greco classico fino ai nostri giorni, passando attraverso i contributi, spesso sottovalutati o mal compresi, dei Padri della Chiesa e dei teologi medievali. Se non si tengono nel giusto conto i risultati del costruttivo e serrato confronto tra s

Not simply as an object but rather as an immersive agency in which nature, knowledge, technique merge. The transcendence of the actual and the virtual into a "third" element is construed and analyzed in this book through conceptual schemes that rely on a post-binary or non-binary understanding of coincidences, triangulations, hybrids, or post-human combinatorics. What is ultimately explored is how transcendence is ejected from strictly theological, philosophical, or scientific groundings and emerges as a germinating point of becoming (something else)

Adorno's thought can be considered like an attempt, after Nietzsche, to save a form of critical-negative philosophy. Adorno, and more in general Critical Theory, have to be thought like alternative to the several form of postnietzscheian philosophy from Heidegger to Foucault and postmodernist thinkers. However, the internal developments of the Frankfurt School (Habermas, Honneth) shed light on some limits of Adorno's thought.

The paper highlights the importance of the kantian sources of Hannah Arendt's philosophy. The peculiar way Arendt confronts Kant is not only a significant manifestation of a critical detachment from her former mentor Martin Heidegger and, more in general, from every attempt to restore some kind of ontology as a necessary theoretical frame for political thought. Arendt's subscription of a kantian cosmopolitical approach supports her critical attitude towards Modernity as well, in terms that cannot be fully grasped by an over-simplified reading of the famous modern alienation from the world's thesis.

The term cohousing indicates a particular social phenomenon that makes its first appearance in Denmark in 1972. It consists of a community of people who have chosen to live together in villages or condominiums which have established in advance the rules of coexistence and in which there are areas of common use. The cohousing observed in recent years a significant spread in the world by binding to the ideas of ecological matrix, and there are some pilot projects in northern Italy.The paper intends to present the phenomenon in its general aspects, focusing in particular on what can be called the "philosophy" that animates these communities of residence, which appear, for many reasons, "weak". An analysis made above with reference to publications and interviews with developers and some members of the Italian projects shows critical aspects. Among these, the absence of a political vision wider and more general, an ambiguous relationship with the marketing and the logic of capitalist market and, finally, a reminder at times casual to cultural values, symbols and discourses which refer to a logic of "good time past" and a now-lost "community spirit".

As philosopher, Giorgio Agamben is known for his political writings. However the problem of language is an important issue also in his most recent essays. Considering a time span ranging from the late sixties until the early nineties, this article tries handing in Agamben's linguistic reflections. On the one hand, Agamben's linguistic reflection represent an essential starting point to fully understand his political proposal. On the other hand, Agamben can be considered without doubt a philosopher of language. Additionally, this article does not exclude an analysis of both the characteristics and the unsuitableness of his philosophy of language. Finally, with regard to this suggestions, it seems to be important the reference to the more general historical, philosophical and linguistic context of the period when the early work of Agamben have been published.

During the summer of 1919 the Secretary for Civil Affairs of the Army Headquarters organized six courses for the teachers from Trentino and Julian March, which had a declared cultural and propagandistic purpose. The courses, which lasted one month, were directed by some of the most important educational philosophers of that time: Guido Della Valle, Giovanni Gentile, Giuseppe Lombardo-Radice, Giuseppe Tarozzi, Erminio Troilo and Giovanni Vidari. Studying the programs, themes, and how these courses were organized offers a useful perspective from which to understand what the Italian political expectations after the Great War were, as well as the emergence of the new actualist and idealist positions in philosophy. In this context, the personality of Luigi Credaro, at that time in Trento as general civil commissary of theVenezia Tridentina, stands out.

The present essay addresses the question of whether or not economics can usefully progress without establishing a special link with philosophy. It aims to provide an overview for a broad audience of working economists and to suggest possibilities for research to those with specific interests in the foundations of economic discourse. After the introductory and motivational remarks of sections 1 and 2, section 3 deals with the crisis of the neopositivist research programme and its impact on economic epistemology. Section 4 presents the main reasons accounting for the recent revival of the political dimension in economic research. Section 5 is concerned with the moral relevance and presuppositions of economic processes and outcomes and addresses the problems faced in making value assertions a part of the critical discourse of economics. Few general considerations conclude the paper.

The present essay addresses the question of whether or not economics can usefully progress without establishing a special link with philosophy. It aims to provide an overview for a broad audience of working economists and to suggest possibilities for research to those with specific interests in the foundations of economic discourse. After the introductory and motivational remarks of sections 1 and 2, section 3 deals with the crisis of the neopositivist research programme and its impact on economic epistemology. Section 4 presents the main reasons accounting for the recent revival of the political dimension in economic research. Section 5 is concerned with the moral relevance and presuppositions of economic processes and outcomes and addresses the problems faced in making value assertions a part of the critical discourse of economics. Few general considerations conclude the paper.

In a context of geo-political changes, the Arab and Islamic world re-discovers, as usual in moments of crisis, the social and economic thought of Ibn Khaldun and his concept of assabiya to analyse the challenges and the risks of the present times. There is, also, a significant attempt to found an autonomous and autochtonous way of political approach in order to attribute a local philosophical origin and intellectual paternity to the recent revolts in contrast with any "westernized" aspect or interpretation.

The essay tries to put into light the dynamics which characterize the essayistic approach of Dan Botta (1907 – 1958) to the problematical theme on the subject of the relationship between "European model" and "Romanian tradition" (with a particular regard, in this case, to the Thracian myth), which constitutes itself as a true leitmotiv, own to the Romanian cultural debate between the two World Wars and which extended itself on a range as wide as from philosophy to literature, from politology to the folklore studies, from engaged journalism to theology. By means of individuating the origins of some of Botta's positions in some of the cultural and political instances of the time or by simply revealing the substantial affinities these present as a consequence to the adhesion to a certain Zeitgeist, the author intends to set straight some of the steps of the individual intellectual and human path of Dan Botta, taking the occasion to make some remarks of general interest upon the relationship between the development of the "myth of the Thraco-Dacian origins" a nd the ascent of the right wing extremism in the late period of the turbid and restless political and cultural between-wars Romania.

La tesi che ho cercato di sviluppare in Analitici e continentali (1997) e in molti scritti successivi, è che la diversificazione delle due tradizioni A (analitica) e C (continentale) è la ricaduta pratica e istituzionale dell'assenza di una chiara consapevolezza collettiva circa che cosa sia la filosofia, quali siano i suoi compiti e metodi, e in che cosa si differenzi da altre scienze o attività intellettuali. Tale assenza potrebbe non essere di per sé problematica, se non fosse che la filosofia, almeno a partire dall'idealismo tedesco, è diventata una disciplina accademica, e attraverso un processo iniziato nel secondo Ottocento e giunto a compimento all'incirca nella seconda metà del secolo successivo, ha acquisito l'assetto istituzionale di una collezione di discipline specializzate, che dovrebbero operare in modo simile a tutte le altre scienze e discipline.Quando una forma di sapere si struttura come una scienza senza avere (o senza voler avere) una chiara e uniforme coscienza di sé, si generano due conseguenze. La prima è che, come osservava già Aristotele, si diffonde e trionfa la "falsa scienza", ovvero la "simulazione di sapienza" prolifica in modo incontrollato. Si produce allora una grande quantità di filosofia nominale, che tende sopraffare e annientare gli scarsi residui di filosofia sostanziale. La seconda è che si determinano controversie intellettuali, culturali e metodologiche, che a lungo andare diventano facilmente manipolabili, e vengono utilizzate per le più basse e ignobili manovre di potere.È quanto è accaduto alla distinzione A-C. Il testo ricostruisce brevemente questa vicenda e mostra come la storia recente della diversificazione abbia portato a una specie di disastro intellettuale e morale, che interessa tutta la filosofia, e ha forme particolarmente problematiche nella filosofia A (o presunta tale). ; The text is divided into two part. First, a brief reconsideration of the history and theory of the "analytic-continental divide" is presented, then an assessment of the contemporary situation is suggested.In the first part, it is explained that the A-C distinction dates back to the end of the XIX century, and is completely acknowledged at the middle of the XX century. The two categories intend to capture a general divergence within the field of philosophy, a divergence that does not properly regard currents of movements or philosophical trends, but "traditions". Two different lines of canonical authors, two conceptions of philosophy, two different philosophical stiles largely confront each other. Various projects of possible convergence have been presented (the most authoritative were the ones of Apel and Tugendhat), but they have generally remained undeveloped, basically because some different (cultural and not philosophical) controversies have been interposed, such the controversy about "post-modernism". In the second part, it is suggested that two new factors have intervened in recent times: the globalization of knowledge, and the scientization of philosophy. To a certain extent, the emergence of the A-C question, at the middle of the XX century, was due to the announcing occurrence of both. But both globalization and scientization do make the divide, in its proper sense, to vanish. There are no traditions in philosophy yet, but there are distinct, parallel and non-communicating disciplines. So the A-C distinction lack any properly meta-philosophical significance, and also remains as a political instrument of academic dominance, that survives only nominally, mainly to authorize exclusion or inclusion of researchers and research programs.

The germ of this work has been the content of a previous congressional presentation whose abstract is at the address https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01136444 ; The main aim of this paper is to show that, following (Orsi 2012), the notion of order allows to carry out an historical-critical comparison among certain philosophy of politics ideas of Max Weber, Carl Schmitt and Jurgen Habermas. Then, if this same analysis is also pursued from the standpoint of the methodology of philosophical research according to Martin Heidegger, then further comparisons among these authors may be also realized. ; Seguendo l'esposizione data in (Orsi 2012), riguardante una comparazione fra alcuni aspetti dell'opera di Carl Schmitt e di Jürgen Habermas in filosofia politica, centrata sulla nozione di ordine ed inquadrata, nelle sue basi, entro la sociologia delle religioni di Max Weber, sarà possibile, oltre l'individuazione in essa di un comune punto di convergenza fra il pensiero dei questi autori nella nozione di ordine, portare avanti, su un piano teoretico di livello superiore, un ulteriore raffronto più orientato verso la metodologia della ricerca filosofica così come intesa da Martin Heidegger, la quale permetterà tra l'altro di vedere sia Schmitt che Habermas da un altro possibile punto di vista prospettico. Infine, si vuol altresì ribadire come, dall'intera trattazione qui svolta, risulterà peraltro rimarcata l'estrema rilevanza gnoseologica svolta dalla generale nozione di ordine nella storia del sapere.