Suchergebnisse

U ovom radu autor analizira političku filozofiju minimalne države Roberta Nozicka, nasto-jeći na objektivan način predočiti njezin značaj, ali i nedostatke. Autor se fokusira na Nozickovo shvaćanje nastanka države djelovanjem nevidljive ruke dominantnog zaštitnog udruženja, preko ultraminimalne do minimalne države. Iznesen je kritički osvrt na Nozicko- vu teorija pravde u posjedima na osnovu ovlaštenja, pri čemu autor ukazuje određene sla-bosti i nedorečenosti navedene teorije. U kontekstu teorijske rasprave s Johnom Rawlsom o središnjem pitanju distributivne pravde, fokus je na kritici modeliranog koncepta pravde. Autor dovodi u pitanje i Nozickovo poimanje određenih segmenata marksističkog učenja, nerijetko nalazeći ideološku isključivost. Zaključno se osvrće na Nozickovo napuštanje libertarijanskih svjetonazora, pritom iznoseći objektivan pogled na njegovu političku filozofiju. ; The author analyzes Nozick's political philosophy of minimal state, to present its significance and disadvantages objectively. The author focuses on Nozick's view of the emergence of the state by the act of the invisible hand of the dominant protective association, from the ultraminimal state to the minimal state. The central part of the paper is Nozick's theory of justice, where the author points out its specific weaknesses and inconsistencies. In the context of a theoretical debate with John Rawls on the central issue of distributive justice, the focus is on criticizing the modelled concept of justice. The author also problematizes Nozick's perception of certain segments of Marxist theory, to find ideological exclusivity. Finally, the author comments on Nozick's abandonment of libertarian worldviews, giving an objective perspective on his political philosophy.

U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.

Od Teorije pravednosti do Prava narodâ liberalizam Johna Rawlsa razvija se od individualizma do jednog specifičnog oblika tzv. »komunitarističkog liberalizma«. U Teoriji Rawls će govoriti o pojedincu i njegovoj dužnosti izbjegavanja rata (građanskom neposlušnošću) dok će u Pravu narodâ govoriti o društvu i dužnosti dobro uređenih naroda na pokretanje rata ako su ugrožena ljudska prava. Prva je perspektiva individualna i miroljubiva, dok je druga društvena i ne čini se baš pacifističkom. Prva kao da je protumačena iz perspektive običnog građanina liberalne ustavne demokracije, dok je druga više nalik tumačenju nekoga tko ima moć. U tom razvoju Rawlsova liberalizma intrigira potencijalni sukob između pojedinca i društva što je osobito uočljivo u njegovu shvaćanju odbijanja sudjelovanja ili opravdanja sudjelovanja u ratu. ; From the Theory of Justice to the Law of Peoples liberalism of John Rawls develops from individualism to one specific form of the so¬called "Communitarian liberalism". In the Theory Rawls discussed the individual and his duty to avoid war (civil disobedience), while in the Law of Peoples he discussed society and the duties of well¬organized Nations to launch war if human rights are endangered. The first perspective is individualistic and peaceful, while the other is more social and does not seem too pacifist. The first seems interpreted from the perspective of an ordinary citizen of liberal constitutional democracy, while the other is more like an interpretation from someone who holds the power. In that development of Rawls' liberalism, what is intriguing is the potential conflict between individuals and society, which is particularly evident in his understanding of refusal to participate or justification to participate in war.

This article attempts to show the beginnings of Croatian political science. The author considers the 16th-century practical philosophy & political work of Croatian political historians Ivan Polikarp Severitan, Franjo Petric, & Nikola Vitov Gucetic. In spite of the fact that Croatian political philosophy is considerably more diverse in this century, these authors were chosen because their work is representative of the whole, & is quite significant in the development of political science. All wrote about politics & discussed political themes -- especially the creation & function of the political community, government, & authority -- within the parameters long since established by Aristotle. Except for their nationality & ties to the region, the three authors were concerned with actual problems of their era, & were included in political discussions, ie, the identification of sovereignty & postulates upon which political communities are formed. They reaffirmed Greek principles of creation of the state on the basis of unity of ethics, policy, & other attributes. Through these authors, active in different times of the 16th century, we can see a progression in political philosophy -- from a close tie to scholastics to politics as a practical art that adapts to opportunities & conditions. Adapted from the source document.

The author emphasizes the necessity of linking thought & action in order to avoid the dangers of calamitous abstractions of sheer philosophy & sheer politics. Only a tension between philosophy & politics can be fruitful both for philosophy & politics. Jaspers's political writings, the author thinks, are not an appendage of philosophy but its component part. Philosophy is political in itself because it exists & functions solely in freedom. Nevertheless, Jaspers is not an acolyte of Plato's thesis about rulers-philosophers but of Kant's demand that philosophers have the right to speak in public. A man as a man is not only a political but also a philosophical being whose freedom depends on the encounter of philosophy & politics. This does not mean to neglect the fact that philosophers & politicians are faced with a different set of tasks. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the concept of neoclassicism in contemporary political philosophy. The study begins with a description of contemporary neoclassical developments & continues with a precise delineation of Plato's & Aristotle's philosophy of politics. In the end, the author concludes that the antiquity-inspired philosophy of politics today has the corrective function to steer liberal society towards community. Adapted from the source document.

U ovome radu, supranacionalizam se istražuje kroz dva vida - kao ideja (koja se ponajprije odnosi na 'Europski projekt', tj. povijesni proces europske integracije od 1945. do danas); također, suodnosno - kao ideologija; i/ili - kao faza nadređenog/nadređenih procesa 'komunogeneze' ('globalizacije' i 'civilizacije'), konceptualizirane u širem filozofsko-političkom okviru - istraživanja tzv. 'kozmokracije' ili 'svjetske (globalne) vladavine. Započinjem istraživanje impliciranih značenja i prospektnog budućeg razvoja svjetske politike (uzete kao jedne cjeline), prvotno ispitivajući - povijesni kontinuum pretvorbi političke zajednice (iz "zapadnjačke" perspektive), kao i nužnih pretvorbi njihova središnjega koncepta - 'suvereniteta'. U drugom dijelu ispitujem supstancijalizirani radni (teoretski) okvir za analizu supranacionalnog fenomena preko dva velika djela političke filozofije (klasične i suvremene) - Kantovog Vječnog mira te Rawlsove Teorije pravednosti zajedno s Pravom naroda. Konačno, u trećem dijelu započinjem s ispitivanjem supranacionalnog fenomena u praksi, isključivo u kontekstu 'Europskog projekta' kao modela koji bi u budućnosti mogli pratiti i drugi. Europsku uniju uzimam kao primjer koji nam pomaže u razmatranju mogućih puteva/načina realizacije pretpostavki danih u drugom dijelu. Zaključujem s optimističnom perspektivom Europske unije kao (povijesne) jezgre moguće 'Globalne Zajednice' ili 'Svjetske Federacije', arbitrarno, ali znakovito nazvane - 'Sjedinjenom Zemaljskom Republikom'. ; In this paper, 'supranationalism' is being explored three-fold - as an idea (most commonly attributed to the 'European Project', i.e. historical process of european integration, from 1945. until today; also, conversely - as an ideology; and/or - as a phase of an overarching process(es) of 'communogenesis' ('globalisation' and 'civilization' or, following Nancy - 'mondialization') - conceptualised in the wider (meta-theoretical) philosophical and political framework of 'cosmocracy' or 'world (global) governance'. I'm ...

U ovome radu, supranacionalizam se istražuje kroz dva vida - kao ideja (koja se ponajprije odnosi na 'Europski projekt', tj. povijesni proces europske integracije od 1945. do danas); također, suodnosno - kao ideologija; i/ili - kao faza nadređenog/nadređenih procesa 'komunogeneze' ('globalizacije' i 'civilizacije'), konceptualizirane u širem filozofsko-političkom okviru - istraživanja tzv. 'kozmokracije' ili 'svjetske (globalne) vladavine. Započinjem istraživanje impliciranih značenja i prospektnog budućeg razvoja svjetske politike (uzete kao jedne cjeline), prvotno ispitivajući - povijesni kontinuum pretvorbi političke zajednice (iz "zapadnjačke" perspektive), kao i nužnih pretvorbi njihova središnjega koncepta - 'suvereniteta'. U drugom dijelu ispitujem supstancijalizirani radni (teoretski) okvir za analizu supranacionalnog fenomena preko dva velika djela političke filozofije (klasične i suvremene) - Kantovog Vječnog mira te Rawlsove Teorije pravednosti zajedno s Pravom naroda. Konačno, u trećem dijelu započinjem s ispitivanjem supranacionalnog fenomena u praksi, isključivo u kontekstu 'Europskog projekta' kao modela koji bi u budućnosti mogli pratiti i drugi. Europsku uniju uzimam kao primjer koji nam pomaže u razmatranju mogućih puteva/načina realizacije pretpostavki danih u drugom dijelu. Zaključujem s optimističnom perspektivom Europske unije kao (povijesne) jezgre moguće 'Globalne Zajednice' ili 'Svjetske Federacije', arbitrarno, ali znakovito nazvane - 'Sjedinjenom Zemaljskom Republikom'. ; In this paper, 'supranationalism' is being explored three-fold - as an idea (most commonly attributed to the 'European Project', i.e. historical process of european integration, from 1945. until today; also, conversely - as an ideology; and/or - as a phase of an overarching process(es) of 'communogenesis' ('globalisation' and 'civilization' or, following Nancy - 'mondialization') - conceptualised in the wider (meta-theoretical) philosophical and political framework of 'cosmocracy' or 'world (global) governance'. I'm ...

The author first defines the various facets of globalization in today's world, emphasizing the key changes that are intensifying communication among peoples, nations, & cultures all over the world. However, parallel to this, there are other pressing problems: from the ecological crisis, to the realization of human rights, to the anomie of life & work. All this proves that globalization is not only an economic & technical but, ultimately, practically an ethical & political issue. Along the lines of Hegel's philosophy of world history & Aristotle's practical philosophy, the author has come to view contemporary globalization as a step forward for world civilization, ie, as a possibility for the realization of freedom & a good life. Globalization, of course, scares people with its unpredictability & the erratic development of "global society," which (in line with Beck's distinction between the First & the Second Modernism) today is represented as a society of nation-states, on the one hand, & a "global society of transnational actors," on the other. Due to the increasing globalization & the danger of reducing all beings to things, it is central to point out that a human being is not a thing among other things, & that the appreciation & realization of life requires nurturing & cultivating the variety of human knowledge pertinent to different spheres of the historical world of life. Thus, the relevance & the role of practical philosophy is gaining significance regarding the -- to the historical Being -- proper understanding & fulfillment of human potentials in today's world. Adapted from the source document.

Članak je nastojanje da se razmisli o budućnosti komparativne političke i socijalne filozofije na temelju interakcije s empirijskim i teorijskim istraživanjima u društvenim znanostima i humanistici. Sastoji se od četiri dijela: 1. Kratke prezentacije izvora »komparativnog zaokreta« i četvrtog vala kritike eurocentrizma; 2. Razmišljanja o problemu »višestrukih moderna« (»nove moderne«) kao posljedice »komparativnog zaokreta« i izazova za ideju društva i politike temeljene na konceptu sekularnog javnog uma; 3. Reference na izazov klasičnoj postavci javne sfere (ukorijenjene u idealu javnog uma) razvijene od strane Nilüfer Göle koja je istraživala novu »islamsku javnu vidljivost kao kritiku sekularne verzije javne sfere« u Zapadnoj Europi. ; The paper is an effort to reflect on the prospects of comparative political and social philosophy based on interaction with empirical and theoretical research in the social sciences and humanities. It consists of the following components: 1. Short presentation of the sources of the "comparative turn" and the fourth wave of the critique of Eurocentrism. 2. Reflection on the problem of "multiple modernities" ("new modernities") as the consequence of the "comparative turn", and a challenge for the idea of society and politics based on the concept of secular public reason. 3. Reference to a challenge to the classical notion of the public sphere (rooted in the ideal of public reason) which was developed by Nilüfer Göle while studying new "Islamic public visibility as a critique of a secular version of the public sphere" in Western Europe. ; Cet article, constituant une tentative pour penser les perspectives d'avenir de la politique comparée et de la philosophie sociale, se base sur l'interaction entre les recherches empiriques et théoriques dans les sciences sociales et humaines. Il est composé des trois parties suivantes : 1. d'une brève présentation de la source du « tournant comparé » et de la quatrième vague de la critique de l'eurocentrisme ; 2. d'une réflexion sur le problème des « multiples modernités » (« nouvelles modernités ») comme conséquence du « tournant comparé » et sur le défi se rapportant à l'idée d'une société basée sur la raison publique séculaire ; 3. d'une référence concernant la récusation de la notion classique de sphère publique (incarnée dans l'idéal de la raison publique) développée par Nilüfer Göle dans sa recherche sur la nouvelle « visibilité publique islamique en tant que critique d'une version séculaire de la sphère publique » dans l'Europe de l'ouest. ; Der Artikel ist bestrebt, über die Perspektiven der komparativen politischen Philosophie und Sozialphilosophie zu reflektieren, basiert auf der Interaktion mit der empirischen und theoretischen Forschung in den Sozial- und Geisteswissenschaften. Er besteht aus folgenden Komponenten: 1. Kurze Darstellung der Quelle der "komparativen Wende" und die vierte Welle der Kritik des Eurozentrismus; 2. Nachdenken über das Problem der "multiplen modernitäten" ("neue modernitäten") als Folge der "komparativen Wende" und der Herausforderung an die sich auf das Konzept der säkularen öffentlichen Vernunft stützende Idee der Gesellschaft und Politik; 3. Bezugnahme auf die Herausforderung für die klassische Vorstellung von der öffentlichen Sphäre (verwurzelt im Ideal der öffentlichen Vernunft), entwickelt von Nilüfer Göle, die die neue "islamische öffentliche Sichtbarkeit als Kritik der säkularen Version der öffentlichen Sphäre" in Westeuropa erforscht hat.

The author shows modern conservative concepts of politics as a variant of normative political theory. Conservatism shows up as a reaction to enlightened rationalism. In contrast to rationalistic revolutionary constructivism, conservatism pleads for a return to a religious basis for man's spiritual & political life. Conservatism creates policies based on tradition & the family, which sustains feelings of obligation toward the community. The state is not just an instrument for special interests, but an expression of substantial cooperation in the nation & its society. Thus, conservatism leads to a demand for reforms of existing liberal institutions. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes Arendt's attempt at a rehabilitation of political thinking. He describes the influence of Greek & Roman practical philosophy on Arendt as well as her distancing from Martin Heidegger as a nonpolitical thinker. In the end, the author offers an insight into the failure of the Western metaphysics of the political when confronted with the factuality of a specific political life. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes Arendt's attempt at a rehabilitation of political thinking. He describes the influence of Greek & Roman practical philosophy on Arendt as well as her distancing from Martin Heidegger as a nonpolitical thinker. In the end, the author offers an insight into the failure of the Western metaphysics of the political when confronted with the factuality of a specific political life. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into how much, in today's world, the tradition of the philosophy of politics & its reactualization via the contemporary political philosophy as the phenomenology of the political world can help us in illuminating the efforts to designate the concept of the political suitable for the modern phenomena. Using the ideas of Hannah Arendt & Rudiger Bubner, the author outlines some subjects & interpretations that are worthy of the rehabilitation & the reactualization of the concept of the political & its understanding that befits the historical being. The central hypothesis in this analysis of the concept of the political is that these fundamental insights & the overall theory of diverse scientific disciplines should not be left exclusively to individual sciences & their specialists, especially since the fundamental knowledge of politics & practical philosophy cannot be left to political science as a separate political science i.e. the science of politics should not be defined only positivistically. References. Adapted from the source document.