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The intention of this research is to elaborate on Socrates' philosophy and its serious consequences for the relationship between philosophy and politics, hence making them hostile to each other, and Socrates an enemy of the people. The author explores the tension between philosophy and public life by comparing and contrasting two opposing philosophical projects – Socrates and Plato's – while illuminating different methods and paths they follow in their understanding of philosophy and politics. Since the author makes a claim that Socrates' philosophy is anti-political and subversive, perceived useless for public life and leading to political instability, it tragically fails when confronted with political power, as Plato subtly reveals in the dialogues. On the contrary, Plato's political project, regardless of its own contradictions, failures and turnovers, represents a radical shift. It is the project of re-founding the city on the new political grounds, attempting to make philosophy political, and the city safe for philosophy by permanently looking for a modus vivendi between philosophy and politics. ; Namjera ove studije je pojasniti posljedice Sokratove filozofije za razumijevanje odnosa između filozofije i politike, njihove međusobne tenzije i Sokrata kao neprijatelja naroda. Autor istražuje tenziju između filozofije i javnoga života usporedbom dva suprotstavljena filozofska projekta – one Sokrata i Platona – pojašnjavajući različite metode i smjerove koje slijede u svojem shvaćanju filozofije i politike. Autorova je tvrdnja da je Sokratova filozofija antipolitička i subverzivna, beskorisna za javni život, te vodi političkoj nestabilnosti i, kako Platon otkriva u svojim dijalozima, tragično osuđena na propast u susretu s političkom moći. S druge strane, Platonov politički projekt, uz sve njegove kontradikcije, neuspjehe i preokrete, predstavlja radikalni zaokret od Sokratove filozofije. Radi se o projektu osnivanja grada na novim političkim temeljima, pokušavajući učiniti filozofiju političkom, a grad siguran za filozofiju stalnom potragom za modus vivendijem između filozofije i politike.

Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- Introduction: Politics and History / Moulakis, Athanasios -- Modernity and History I: What is Modernity? / Schabert, Tilo -- Modernity and History II: On the Edge of Modernity? / Schabert, Tilo -- From Feudalism to Capitalism: History and Politics in the Scottish Enlightenment / Bellamy, Richard -- Political Eschatology and Soteriological Nationalism in Nineteenth Century Germany / Gebhardt, Jürgen -- Liberalism and Historicism: Benedetto Croce and the Political Role of Idealism in Modern Italy 1890-1952 / Bellamy, Richard -- Political Reality and History in the Work of Eric Voegelin / Moulakis, Athanasios -- History, Politics and the Sense of Sin: The Case of Reinhold Niebuhr / Kennealy, Peter -- The Future and Catastrophe: The Concept of History in Italian Futurism / Hinz, Manfred -- Biographical Sketches of the Authors

Introduction -- Mythos and logos -- The biblos and the dialectic of the sacred logos -- Scientific rationality and the dialectic of the Enlightenment -- Myth and meaning -- Approaching myth -- Naming the unknown, grounding significance -- Myth and the critique of political reason -- Classical theories of political myth -- Political myth, ideology and utopia -- Myth, historical narratives and the social imaginary -- Myth and identity -- Political myths today : the extraordinary and the banal.

Cover -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Preface -- Chapter 1 - The Definition of Moral Virtue -- I: Modern Substitutes for Virtue and their Inadequacy -- The Recourse to Natural Goodness -- Social Engineering -- Psycho-Technology -- II: Towards a Definition of Virtue -- Problems of Translation Regarding Hexis -- Virtue is not Habit -- Virtue is not Grounded in Opinion -- Virtue is not Science -- III: Understanding Aristotle's Definition of Virtue -- Distinguishing Virtue from a False Intention and from Vice -- The Intellectual and Moral Virtues in Practice -- The Interdependence of the Virtues: The Aristotelian and Stoic Positions -- The Definition of Moral Virtue -- Knowledge of Moral Axioms through Instinct -- Chapter 2: Virtue in Public Life: Simon's Concept of the Common Good -- I: Brief Historical Overview -- Introduction -- The Birth and Evolution of the Concept: Ancient Greek Philosophy to Medieval Times -- The State of the Concept in Modern and Contemporary Thought -- II: The Threefold Classificatory Scheme of Virginia Held as Outlined in the Public Interest and Individual Interests and her Concept of the Public Interest -- Preliminary Considerations -- The "Preponderance Theories" of Thomas Hobbes, David Hume, and Jeremy Bentham -- The "Public Interest as Common Interest" Theory -- The "Unitary Conception" -- Virginia Held's Proposed Constituent Elements of the Common Good -- III: Simon's Concept of the Common Good -- Two Misconceptions of the Common Good -- Simon's Concept of the Common Good -- Drawing the Threads Together -- Chapter 3: Virtue in Public Life: The Virtue of Theoretical Truth and the Virtue of the Ruler and the Ruled -- Introduction -- I: The Virtue of Theoretical Truth -- The Truth Value of Witness -- The Truth Value of Science -- The Truth Value of Creative Freedom.

The article reveals the place of the poetry of medieval Kazakh storytellers-zhyrau in the system of world heroic poetry, which glorified the knightly ethos and glorified real and mythical heroes. It is shown that, in contrast to the ideal of the European knight, in the ethos of the steppe warrior-batyr, as he appears in the poetry of zhyrau, a harmonious combination of cultures of rivalry and coopera­tion, striving for personal superiority and free cooperation to achieve common goals is achieved. In the very origins of the oral mythopoetic culture of the Kaza­khs, in proverbs and sayings, legends and epics, there is a reflective and ideolog­ical beginning, which predetermines its free character, open to the world and other cultures, and at the same time self-depth, creative self-appeal. This distinc­tive feature of the traditional culture of the Kazakh people and its spiritual, moral, intellectual development, the formation of national identity is clearly manifested both in oral folk art and in the philosophical reflections of outstand­ing Kazakh thinkers throughout the centuries-old cultural history of the Great Steppe. The heroic epic becomes a moral-forming factor of life since it sets so­cially and spiritually sanctioned normative personality patterns, produces worthy of imitation integral models of behavior and lifestyle.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. The Minos and the Socratic Examination of Law -- Chapter 2. The Rational Interpretation of Divine Law -- Chapter 3. The Examination of the Laws of Sparta -- Chapter 4. Divine Law and Moral Education -- Chapter 5. The Problem of Erotic Love and Practical Reason under Divine Law -- Chapter 6. Perfect Justice and Divine Providence -- Chapter 7. The Savior of Divine Law -- Notes -- Modern Works Cited -- Index

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Editor's Foreword -- Introductory Remarks -- Texts Cited -- Introduction: Remarks on Political Philosophy -- lectures on hobbes -- lecture I: Hobbes's Secular Moralism and the Role of His Social Contract -- lecture II: Human Nature and the State of Nature -- lecture III: Hobbes's Account of Practical Reasoning -- lecture IV: The Role and Powers of the Sovereign -- appendix: Hobbes Index -- lectures on locke -- lecture I: His Doctrine of Natural Law -- lecture II: His Account of a Legitimate Regime -- lecture III: Property and the Class State -- lectures on hume -- lecture I: "Of the Original Contract" -- lecture II: Utility, Justice, and the Judicious Spectator -- lectures on rousseau -- lecture I: The Social Contract: Its Problem -- lecture II: The Social Contract: Assumptions and the General Will (I) -- lecture III: The General Will (II) and the Question of Stability -- lectures on mill -- lecture I: His Conception of Utility -- lecture II: His Account of Justice -- lecture III: The Principle of Liberty -- lecture IV: His Doctrine as a Whole -- appendix: Remarks on Mill's Social Theory -- lectures on marx -- lecture I: His View of Capitalism as a Social System -- lecture II: His Conception of Right and Justice -- lecture III: His Ideal: A Society of Freely Associated Producers -- appendixes -- Four Lectures on Henry Sidgwick -- Five Lectures on Joseph Butler -- Course Outline -- Index

"War in Political Philosophy" published on by Oxford University Press.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

Political philosophy must be pursued phenomenologically. When pursued phenomenologically, political philosophy is in fact proto or first philosophy itself rather than a subsection of philosophy. As first philosophy, political philosophy must be seen as architectonic, the queen of the sciences. Adapted from the source document.