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It is fashionable to affirm that populism is advancing in the world. Examples of governments assuming positions that can be qualified in this way are abundant. But it seems pertinent to really dimension the existence and magnitude of this phenomenon and not only attend to a casuistic vision, largely focused on the Western world.
That is why this paper will seek to measure the growth during the 21st century in terms of votes and seats in the lower national assemblies and the participation in the governments of the world of parties, differentiated according to their populist orientation.
Today there are reliable sources of information to do this type of exercise. In particular, we will use the data compiled by the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project to compare the electoral presence and success and the ability to lead or be part of the government coalitions of the parties according to their adherence to populist logics.
To do this, after an introduction related to the same concept of populism, the source of information to be used in this text and the indices that will be used for analysis will be characterized. Subsequently, the results of the measurement of the behavior of these indices in the world in the period 2000-2019 and their relationship with the achievements of the parties in terms of votes, seats and participation in government coalitions will be presented in a synthetic way. Finally, the meaning of the data compiled, displayed and analyzed will be discussed.
The analyzed data allow us to advance in the finding of a relationship between populist discourse and the adoption of a position contrary to elitism and that the position to the right in the political-ideological spectrum tends to make an organization less likely to adopt a populist rhetoric. However, there would be a long way to go to achieve a full explanation of the phenomenon of populism in this century and it is not insignificant progress in achieving electoral support and integration into governments that has been detected during the last decade. This forces us to think of new paths and alternative sources for understanding the phenomenon that occupies the center of attention in this essay.

The border of 'Leviathan', written by Thomas Hobbes. The border is the work of the engraver Abraham Bosse.In political science and psychology, as in any other discipline, there are multiple investigation styles, most often competing. It is therefore simply impossible to purport to describe comprehensively and exhaustively the relationship between these two heterogeneous universes, especially since they are constantly evolving. This means that we will necessarily be based on. ; Le frontispice du « Leviathan », œuvre écrite par Thomas Hobbes. Le frontispice est l'œuvre du graveur Abraham Bosse.En science politique et en psychologie, comme dans toute autre discipline, il existe de multiples styles d'enquête, le plus souvent en compétition. Il est donc tout simplement impossible de prétendre décrire globalement et exhaustivement les relations entre ces deux univers hétérogènes, d'autant qu'ils évoluent en permanence. Notre propos s'appuiera ainsi nécessairement sur des é …

Current Belarusian national symbols are analyzed to determine their political significance & whether they conform with the national political culture. A historical overview of Belarusian political culture illustrates the existence of both harmonious & antagonistic elements, which remain in the contemporary political culture. The Belarusian Popular Front's (BPF) attempt to create national symbols & holidays & to reclaim the nation's historical heritage after the USSR's dissolution is discussed. However, it is contended that President Alyaksander Lukashenka's administration continues to embrace Soviet national symbols, thus overturning the BPF's nation-building project. Lukashenka's use of constitutional referendums in transforming former Soviet holidays into Belarusian holidays is delineated as the "symbolic re-Sovietization" of Belarus. It is concluded that a more tolerant attitude toward national symbols is a prerequisite for democratic change. J. W. Parker

The historical review of the Institute of General and Inorganic Chemistry of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus considers all periods of the Institute's evolution, starting with its organization in 1959, forming the main structural divisions and areas of research and development (1959–1968), structuring these areas and accelerating their development (1969–1990), optimization and headway with a primary focus on the scientific support of important tasks of industry and the agricultural complex of the Republic of Belarus (1991–2019). The information on the formation and development of scientific schools at the Institute, their outstanding achievements and examples of successful implementation of developments in enterprises and organizations of the national economic complex is presented. In chronological order, the results of the activities of the Institute scientists structured by the main scientific areas are reviewed, and references to their published books and monographs are given.

Abstract
Surveys are ubiquitous in the study of politics, making enumerator fabrication a critical issue. A prevailing view is that faked interviews affect inferences drawn from compromised datasets. Researchers have generated theories about how fabrication might affect inferences. Yet, speculation has outpaced systematic testing. We leverage a rare dataset to address this gap: a national face-to-face survey in Venezuela in which a uniquely high volume of falsified interviews was detected, canceled, and replaced. Comparing the verified and fraudulent datasets, we find that descriptive inference is sometimes affected, but correlational results hold, even in a dataset with an unusually high-fabrication rate. Enumerators largely fabricate plausible data. Though still egregious, enumerator fabrication may not constitute a grave threat to political science research.

© 2014 Elsevier B.V. Government expenditures are procyclical if they increase in periods of economic growth and decrease in periods of economic downturn. This paper tests the proposition that (within federations) political pressures for public expenditure increase the likelihood that expenditures and intergovernmental transfers will be procyclical. An analysis of political pressures in Mexico suggests that political pressures will produce a distinct pattern of procyclical expenditures across fiscal tiers and across government budgets. This prediction is tested with reference to the expenditures of 31 states in Mexico between 2005 and 2010.

Education stands as a potent predictor of political attitudes; however, the underlying mechanisms and moderators of this relationship are not well-understood. We hypothesize that the liberalizing effect of education is moderated by discipline, and that the scientific ethos that serves to guide empirical inquiries facilitates the development of more liberal political attitudes via concerns about fairness and equality. As predicted, being educated in a science-related discipline, as opposed to a non-science discipline, was associated with greater political liberalism; importantly, this effect could not be accounted for by self-selection (Study 1). Furthermore, concerns about fairness and equality, as captured by an individual's social dominance orientation, mediated the relationship between studying science and political liberalism (Study 2). Study 3 replicated these findings and attest to their generalizability. Study 4 directly assessed the underlying mechanism, endorsement of the scientific ethos, and replicated the mediational model; those who endorsed the scientific ethos more strongly reported more liberal political attitudes, and this was mediated by their lower social dominance orientation. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion