Suchergebnisse

Nueva Zelanda, lugar de edición de esta obra, es un país relevante en espacios multilaterales que se ocupan de deporte, género, cultura indígena y fuentes de energía renovable. También es un país destacado en una nueva área de la política internacional poco estudiada en América Latina y el Caribe: la diplomacia científica, actividad que reune dos términos aparentemente incompatibles. Por una parte, la ciencia cuyos actores motivados por su curiosidad y la opción racional de aceptar cambios, principalmente a través de la implementación de métodos de investigación científica. Por otra parte, la diplomacia movilizada por actores que expresan los intereses nacionales y objetivos de la política exterior de los estados (A. Cooper, Heine, & Thakur, 2013; Jacobs & Page, 2005). La diplomacia científica es un mecanismo de diálogo entre científicos y políticos destinado a promover intereses nacionales en áreas del conocimiento, significado éste que es asumido por los compiladores Davis y Patman. Ellos, en efecto, reconocen las contribuciones de la evidencia científica en la formulación de política exterior para brindar respuestas a problemas complejos de la agenda mundial como, por ejemplo, enfermedades infecciosas, escasez de alimentos y cambio climático.

In the current global scenario, where unbridled scientific and technological development coexists unevenly with the periodic emergence of pandemics, natural disasters, and other conflicts, the need to implement new ways of international collaboration among nations is becoming increasingly understandable in order to be able to reach a level of development in accordance with what is established by the United Nations as part of the 2030 Agenda and the fulfillment of the Sustainable Development Goals. The COVID-19 epidemic has raised the promotion and implementation of novel work tools for collaboration among nations in the face of the epidemic that does not distinguish differences in terms of development level, resources, etc. A unique program has reached its peak in the last two decades, becoming an alternative to this situation, being rapidly adapted by think tanks, diplomatic academies universities, non-governmental organizations and governments: Science Diplomacy and its alternative programs, Health Diplomacy and Vaccine Diplomacy. This article shows a look at essential and conceptual aspects of these programs at an international level, taking into account the complex health situation, highlighting as a particular example the case of Cuba and considering the global need to make use of them as collaborative tools to solve important challenges that endanger the health and sustainable development of the international community. ; En el actual escenario global, donde de manera desigual conviven un desenfrenado desarrollo científico y tecnológico, con el surgimiento periódico de pandemias, desastres naturales y conflictos de diversa índole, cada vez resulta más comprensible la necesidad de implementar nuevas vías de colaboración internacional entre las naciones para poder alcanzar un nivel de desarrollo de acuerdo con lo establecido por Naciones Unidas como parte de la Agenda 2030 y el cumplimiento de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. La pandemia COVID-19 ha acelerado la promoción e implementación de novedosas ...

The article intervenes in the international conversation about the possibilities and limitations of narrative writing in international relations and political science. Concretely, it proposes a theoretical comparison between "fortress writing" and "narrative voice". The first corresponds to the style of thinking and writing that has dominated these disciplines. Instead, we show that the narrative voice constitutes an opportunity to problematize and loosen the most constrictive features of fortress writing. The text does not propose the generalized adoption of narrative writing —an unviable and even undesirable project— but suggests that, when successful, narrative expands possibilities for research and reflection, enabling less "bellicose" ways of producing knowledge. Thus, narratives open a breathing space in academia. However, as with any intellectual approach, narrative writing entails some risks. Instead of engaging on common critiques, already dealt with by the literature, the essay explores three risks that threaten narrative to become another type of fortress writing: the attachment to innocence, the attachment to trauma, and the moralizing denial of complexity. ; El artículo interviene en la conversación internacional sobre las posibilidades y los límites de la escritura narrativa en relaciones internacionales y ciencia política. Concretamente, propone una comparación teórica entre «escritura fortaleza» y «voz narrativa». La primera corresponde al estilo de pensamiento y de escritura dominante en estas disciplinas. En cambio, la voz narrativa constituye una oportunidad para problematizar y aflojar los rasgos más constrictores de aquella. El artículo no propone la adopción generalizada de la escritura narrativa —proyecto inviable e, incluso, indeseable— sino que sugiere que esta última, cuando es exitosa, expande posibilidades para la investigación y la reflexión, habilitando modos menos «bélicos» de construir conocimiento. Las narrativas abren así un espacio de respiración en la academia. Sin embargo, como cualquier forma de trabajo intelectual, la escritura narrativa conlleva riesgos. En lugar de volver sobre los cuestionamientos típicos, ya extensamente contestados en la literatura, el trabajo inicia la exploración de tres riesgos que amenazan con volver a las narrativas otro tipo de escritura fortaleza: el apego a la inocencia, el apego al trauma y la cancelación moralizante de la complejidad.

American strategies to reactivate the current public diplomacy are followed closely by others international actors and influence relationships among them as much as their way to present themselves to the global audience. In a sense, American public diplomacy shapes international political communication practices. The case of "the war on ideas", developed at the same time as "the war on terror", turns out as particularly interesting. The following article describes different estrategies which were included in that public diplomacy campaign and proposes ways to evaluate their efficacy. ; Las estrategias que proponen los EEUU para la reactivación de la diplomacia pública son seguidas con atención por el resto de los actores internacionales y determinan sus relaciones y la forma de presentarse ante una audiencia global. En cierta medida, configuran las prácticas de la comunicación política internacional. El caso de la "guerra de las ideas", desarrollada de forma paralela a la "guerra contra el terror" posterior al 11/S, resulta de particular interés. El artículo describe las diversas estrategias que incluyen la campaña y propone vías de evaluación de su eficacia.

ReseñaTítulo: The Politics of Political Science: Re-Writing Latin American ExperiencesAutor: Paulo RaveccaAño de publicación: 2019Edición: PrimeraPáginas: 292ISBN: 978 0815363088Editorial: Routledge La Política de la Ciencia Política de Paulo Ravecca ofrece un magnífico análisis sobre varios puntos fundamentales dentro de la institucionalización de la ciencia política y su epistemología. El libro de Ravecca es, en esencia, novedoso tanto en los temas que aborda como en su aproximación metodológica: un análisis comparado que triangula con investigación autoetnográfica, una forma poco convencional en la investigación social.

The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.

In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major political element and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, the aim is to preserve national independence, avoid military intervention and integrate into the international system. For Spain, it seeks to assert its status as a major power with the capacity to intervene in defence of its citizens and to obtain the necessary reparations. This work is then structured around three issues: the debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of an extradition treaty for offenders and deserters. ; International audience In the nineteenth century one of the key conditions for recognition of sovereignity of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain order and ensure the lives and properties of nationals abroad. Justice, then, becomes a political element of the first order and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, it is to preserve national independence, to avoid a military intervention and to integrate into the international system. For Spain, it is asserting its status as a great power with the ability to speak in defense of its citizens and to obtain the necessary repairs. This work is structured so on three issues: debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of a treaty on extradition of criminals and deserters. ; In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major ...

Review-essay of: DILLON, Michael, Deconstructing International Politics, Routledge, Nueva York, 2012, ps. 213. NEOCLEOUS, Mark, Critique of security, Edinburgh University Press, Edimburgo, 2008, ps. 256 NEOCLEOUS, Mark & RIGAKOS, Georg (ed.), Anti-Security. Red Quill Books, Otawa, 2011, ps. 270 ; Review-essay de: DILLON, Michael, Deconstructing International Politics, Routledge, Nueva York, 2012, ps. 213. NEOCLEOUS, Mark, Critique of security, Edinburgh University Press, Edimburgo, 2008, ps. 256 NEOCLEOUS, Mark & RIGAKOS, Georg (ed.), Anti-Security. Red Quill Books, Otawa, 2011, ps. 270

This thesis aims to identify how scientists who belong to epistemic communities promote the development of scientific diplomacy activities within the framework of US and German foreign policy towards Colombia. Its main objective is to identify the conditions that allow the members of these communities to develop processes of scientific cooperation through different international governmental agencies. This research project seeks to contribute to the discipline of International Relations, identifying new actors and cooperative actions that contribute to foreign policy. This study uses a Constructivist theoretical approach, employing qualitative methods to highlight the importance of members of epistemic communities to scientific diplomacy. To this end, this study analyzes some historical and current examples within different areas of knowledge within the context of bilateral relations with Colombia, in order to illustrate the development of scientific cooperation processes between the United States, Germany and Colombia. ; Centro de Estudios Estadounidenses