Suchergebnisse

'The Invaded' explores the United States' military occupations of Nicaragua (1912-33), Haiti (1915-34), and the Dominican Republic (1916-24), proposing not only that opposition to US intervention was more widespread than commonly acknowledged but that anti-imperial movements in the Caribbean basin were primarily responsible for bringing about the end of US occupation

Ch. 1. The special U.S.-Caribbean relationship -- ch. 2. The Caribbean during and at the end of the Cold War (1970s to 1980s) -- ch. 3. The end of the Cold War and the changing hegemonic relationship -- ch. 4. Globalization and the challenges to intraregional integration -- ch. 5. Threats to sovereignty -- ch. 6. Transnational complexities in U.S.-Caribbean relations.

En revisitant la conception que se faisait Durkheim de la société moderne, j'utilise ce cadre pour examiner la société internationale contemporaine. Je compare et oppose la réponse de Durkheim à la modernité à celles d'autres théoriciens de la sociologie d'aujourd'hui. Durkheim est, de multiples manières, des plus prometteurs et pertinents pour le présent. Je cherche à comprendre pourquoi le type de solidarité qu'il envisageait ne s'est pas développé dans le monde moderne, tandis que l'on peut raisonnablement dire que les formes inclusives de solidarité sont presque partout déclinantes. À partir de cette analyse, je me tourne vers la société internationale et je pose une série de questions sur la solidarité, son absence relative ou bien le fait qu'elle se manifeste en « agrégats » et ses conséquences sur les relations internationales.

The German model of labor relations is once again attracting significant
attention, even if assessments of its health and economic consequences
diverge. This review article clarifies debates about German labor relations and
illuminates their significance for theorizing the political economy of wealthy
democracies. It demonstrates how four different narratives about German
practices from the late twentieth century continue to shape contemporary disagreements.
While these older interpretations of the German model have been
updated, their original assumptions about particular structural effects remain at
the heart of current disputes, sometimes hiding as much as they reveal. This
article argues that it is time to move beyond inherited abstractions and focus
more on the contemporary agency of labor relations actors.

International relations, as currently construed, are multi-dimensional. They are also Euro-American, which means modern-day China had no hand in making them. It was obliged to adapt to the state-centered, marketeering, nationalistic realities with which it was confronted when it became independent. And adapt it did. It also, however, revised these realities by adopting its own approach. Its leaders first repudiated China's traditional experiences, while reworking its world ones to promote their own ends. Later, however, they began to express admiration for the values and vision of their own culture and civilization. They began to articulate policies, like the Belt and Road Initiative, that were not only representative of Euro-American principles, such as international cooperation and free trade, but also representative of non-Euro-American principles, such as the so-called "tribute system". The latter characterized China's foreign policy approach for millennia. It still arguably demonstrates China's willingness not only to accept — while reforming — those Euro-American practices imposed upon it, but also to repudiate — by revolutionizing — those very same practices.

A characteristic of recent decades of scholarly work in the social sciences has been the increased amounts of empirical research. Access and availability of data are prerequisites for further research, replication work, and scientific development. As international peer-reviewed journals have gradually become the central forum for research debate, moves towards data sharing are dependent upon the policies of journals regarding data availability. This dataset presents data availability policies in political science in the year 2011.

An increasing visibility of religion on all levels of social activity including IR calls into question the stubbornness of Western social sciences unwilling (& unable) to treat religions as important social factors on their own terms, on par with secular discourses. To correct this situation this article uses Nicholas Onuf's post-positivist rule-oriented constructivist ontological framework as a foundation of "International Political Theology" (IPT). IPT is another extension of IR, just as IPE once was. IPT refers to the systematic study of discourses & relations among them concerning world affairs that search for -- or claim to have found -- a response, transcendental or secular, to the human need for meaning. Central to the argument is Charles Pierce's concept of abductive reasoning, not inferior, in fact much more widespread worldwide than the modern understanding of what does or does not constitute "rational" or a form of a judgment. The article shows how IPT can relate religious & secular discourses, so far regarded as "incommensurable". 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

"In Cold War historiography, the 1960s are often described as a decade of mounting diplomatic tensions and international social unrest. At the same time, they were a period of global media revolution: communication satellites compressed time and space, television spread around the world, and images circulated through print media in expanding ways. Examining how U.S. policymakers exploited these changes, this book offers groundbreaking international research which shows that U.S. power came to depend more and more not on military superiority or economic strength alone, but also on America's ability to create appealing pictures that assured recognition of its global leadership"--Provided by publisher