Slovenske (filozoficke) myslenie medzi tradiciou a modernou (poznamky k dejinam slovenskej filozofie)
In: Filozofia: časopis Filozofického Ústavu Slovenskej Akadémie Vied, Band 59, Heft 10, S. 727-739
ISSN: 0046-385X
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In: Filozofia: časopis Filozofického Ústavu Slovenskej Akadémie Vied, Band 59, Heft 10, S. 727-739
ISSN: 0046-385X
Demokracija je oblika oblasti, ki jo danes večina ljudi dojema kot najbližjo idealni ureditvi države, saj temelji na svobodi, enakosti in varnosti – ciljih, za katere bi si morala prizadevati sodobna družba. V uvodu, ki je hkrati prvo poglavje magistrske naloge, podajam opredelitve demokracije in ustavne demokracije na način, kot jih trenutno razumem sama. V drugem poglavju se ukvarjam z načeli in pogoji ustavne demokracije ter z ustavno demokracijo v Republiki Sloveniji. V tretjem poglavju poskušam poudariti pomen ustave. Najbolj me zanima, ali ustava kot najpomembnejši pravni in politični akt svobodo v demokratični ureditvi omejuje ali jo zagotavlja. Čeprav je demokracija nepredstavljiva brez svobode kot svojega temeljnega elementa, ta svoboda ne sme in ne more biti neomejena. Si lahko predstavljamo družbo, v kateri svoboda nima meje, v kateri ni vrhovnega zakona, na katerega bi se lahko vsak posameznik skliceval, ko njegove pravice ogroža država ali drug posameznik? Prvo ključno vprašanje, s katerim se v tem kontekstu ukvarjam, je del četrtega poglavja z naslovom »Človekove pravice in svoboščine – srž ustavne demokracije?«. V petem poglavju namenim pozornost Ustavnemu sodišču. Bistvo ustavne demokracije je Ustavno sodišče opredelilo v odločbi št. U-I-111/04 z dne 8. 7. 2004, ki jo predstavim na koncu magistrske naloge. V sklepu predstavim moj osebni pogled na politični sistem, kakšna je ustavna demokracija ter potrdim oziroma zavrnem postavljene hipoteze ; Democracy is a form of government that is perceived by most people today as the closest to the ideal form of a state, since it is based on freedom, equality and security – the goals that every modern society should aim for. The introduction of the master's thesis, which is also its first chapter, defines democracy and constitutional democracy from our point of view. The second chapter focuses on the principles and conditions of the constitutional democracy and briefly presents the constitutional democracy in the Republic of Slovenia. The third chapter tries to underline the significance of the Constitution. We were mostly interested if the Constitution as the most important legal and political act in a democratic systemrestricts or guarantees ourfreedom. Although democracy is unperceivable without freedom as its fundamental element, it must not and cannot be unlimited. Is it possible to imagine a society in which freedom is unlimited and where there is no supreme law one can refer to in case their rights are undermined by the state or another individual? The first key question that is raised in this context is part of the forth chapter, titled Human Rights and Liberties – Core of Constitutional Democracy? The fifth chapter deals with the Constitutional Court. The essence of the constitutional democracy was defined by the Constitutional Court in the U-I111/04 decree on July 8th, 2004, which is presented at the very end of our master's thesis. The conclusion encompasses our personal view of the political system, such as the constitutional democracy, and either confirms or refutes our set hypotheses.
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In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 125-130
ISSN: 1581-5374
A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Czech Republic with an emphasis on its decentralization & territorial division/composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official language, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) the government structure: the composition, election/appointment, & functions/powers of the legislative & executive branches; the term, election, & powers of the president, (3) regional & local self-government, (4) division into counties, townships, & communes, & (5) local government structure (the county assembly & commissioner, municipal council, & the office of mayor). Adapted from the source document.
In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 139-143
ISSN: 1581-5374
A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Greek Republic with an emphasis on its decentralized nature & territorial division/composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official language, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) the government structure: the division between the legislature (a unicameral parliament), the executive branch, & the judiciary; the composition, election/appointment, & functions/powers of each; the term, election, & powers of the president, (3) regional & local governments, (4) division into regions, departments, & communes, & (5) local government structure (regional council, general secretary of the region, municipal council, & the office of mayor). Adapted from the source document.
In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 121-124
ISSN: 1581-5374
A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Republic of Cyprus with an emphasis on its decentralized characteristics & territorial division/composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official languages, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) the government structure: the division between the legislature, the executive branch, & the judiciary; the composition, election/appointment, & functions/powers of each; the term, election, & powers of the president, (3) regional & local governments, (4) division into departments (Greek & Turkish & their UN supervision) & communes, & (5) local government structure (the municipal council, the office of mayor, & administrative committees). Adapted from the source document.
In: Filozofia: časopis Filozofického Ústavu Slovenskej Akadémie Vied, Band 59, Heft 10, S. 740-756
ISSN: 0046-385X
In: Uprava, Band 8, Heft 1-2, S. 213-229
In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 445-457
ISSN: 1581-5374
Paragraphs in the Slovene constitution, decisions by the Constitutional Court, & local self-government statutes are examined to determine if there is an inherent conflict of interest when mayors of municipalities are also elected & serve as representatives to this country's national assembly. Comparative references are made to other European countries, mostly France, where a similar performance of parliamentary & mayoral functions by the same person is permitted under certain conditions. After analyzing the conflicting scenarios in which the parliamentarian mandate influence the mayoral one, & vice versa, & recognizing the unusually high incidence of dual-mandate cases in Slovenia, a relatively small country, constitutional & legislative actions are suggested to remedy the current situation & minimize the incompatibility of functions & duties at state & local levels. The triple mandate of deputy mayors in Slovenia is also examined, pointing out his/her burden & responsibility in performing duties of mayor & local council & national assembly member. It is concluded that although neither unconstitutional nor unlawful, dual & triple mandates are potentially harmful to democracy, open doors to political corruption & abuse of power, & pose a danger of further damaging the image of an honest politician. Adapted from the source document.
In: Teorija in praksa, S. 221-236
Abstract. The article reflects on a key category introduced by Adolf Bibič
in his 1990 theoretical work Civil Society and Political Pluralism; namely,
association pluralism. Bibič introduced this concept into Slovenian political thought to grasp the diverse social and political developments of the 1980s and to open up a new view of political pluralism that moves beyond party pluralism. The author therefore asks whether the notion of associational pluralism still holds sufficient explanatory potential and is worth preserving and developing further, or whether it can be used to deal with a new social and political reality, i.e., political pluralism, which is also strongly marked by multifaceted environmental issues.
Keywords: associational pluralism, political pluralism, party pluralism,
civil society, state.
V Ukrajini so se leta 2014 po seriji različnih notranjih političnih kriz na vzhodu države, v regiji Donbas, pojavila separatistična gibanja, katerih pripadniki so za regiji Doneck in Lugansk zahtevali odcepitev od države. Začetnim protestom je sledil konflikt, ki ga že od vsega začetka zaznamuje prepletanje delovanja različnih vpletenih strani: upornikov na eni in ukrajinske oblasti na drugi strani, kot tudi mednarodne skupnosti. Na eni strani sta Evropska unija in NATO, ki si zadnji dve desetletji na različne načine prizadevajo za integracijo vzhodnoevropskih držav. Na drugi strani je Ruska federacija, ki je še vedno izrazito povezana z republikami nekdanje Sovjetske zveze in nanje tudi močno vpliva. Širjenje vplivov iz EU in ZDA oziroma zahoda na splošno v teh državah domnevno ogroža ruske interese in interese proruske struje v Ukrajini. Magistrsko delo prikazuje zgodovinski razvoj Ukrajine in zapletene družbene, gospodarske in politične razmere, prisotne v državi, ki pripomorejo k razumevanju razvoja in poteka konflikta. Temu sledita analiza medijskega poročanja in vloge medijev v razvoju konflikta in političnogeografska analiza konflikta ter njegov vpliv na širše dogajanje in odnose v Evropi in svetu ; After a series of various internal political crises in eastern Ukraine in 2014, separatist movements appeared in the Donbas region, demanding secession of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The initial protests were followed by a conflict marked throughout by the intertwining actions of the various parties involved: the rebels, the Ukrainian authorities as well as the international community. On the one hand, there is the European Union and NATO, striving for the integration of Eastern European countries over the last two decades. On the other hand, there is the Russian Federation, still strongly connected with the republics of the former Soviet Union and exerting a strong influence on them. Supposedly, the growing influences of the EU, the US and the West in general in these countries pose a threat to the Russian interests and the interests of the pro-Russian movement in Ukraine. This master's thesis presents the historical development of Ukraine and its complex social, economic and political conditions, shedding light on the development and course of the conflict in the country. It then provides an analysis of the role of the media in the development of the conflict, as well as a political geographic analysis of the conflict and its impact on the events and relations on European and global level.
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In: Thesaurus memoriae
In: Fontes 9
In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 123-136
ISSN: 0353-4510
The great restructuring of power in the Christian West at the beginning of the second millennium did not change the meaning of the notion of Europe as inherited from the previous two centuries. Rather, it brought forth new concepts to describe the unity of Western Christians, thus marginalizing "Europe" as a potential bearer of collective identity. Foremost among those new unitary concepts was Christendom -- a concept closely linked with the rise of the papal monarchy & the launching of the First Crusade as the pope's own war. By analyzing 11th-century sources & literature connected with the First Crusade, the author shows that the term Europe -- used merely in its geographical sense or in connection with the ancient myth of Europa & the legend of Japheth -- had little relevance for the practical & spiritual concerns of that age. Adapted from the source document.
In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 475-488
ISSN: 1581-5374
After explaining the difference between the notions of self-government & local autonomy, the applicability of both to the description of the political-administrative status of the Slovene city of Ljubljana in the 19th-century Austrian Empire is examined. The Austrian March Constitution of 1849, its abolishment by the emperor Franz Joseph in 1851, the municipalities law of 1849 & 1862, & December Constitution of 1867 are some of the legal acts examined in the outline of the chronology of the self-government & autonomy of Ljubljana as a provincial capital in the Austrian Empire. The powers & prerogatives contained in the city's municipal statues are discussed, considering the relationship & power sharing between the state & municipalities in the Austrian Empire & the Austria-Hungary dual monarchy. The study of the Ljubljana archive sources concludes that prior to 1895, the city's municipal council powers to issue normative legislation were limited, & an increased norm-giving activity resulted only from the need to rebuild the city after the 1895 earthquake. The council's municipal autonomy was largely responsible for regulating all reconstruction activities, including the organization & modernization of transport, electrification, & other infrastructure. Adapted from the source document.
V institucionalni ureditvi Evropske unije je Evropski parlament (EP) tisti, ki direktno zastopa vse Evropejce, s čimer Uniji postavlja demokratične temelje. Pri tem igra pomembno vlogo njegova medijska prisotnost, če želijo politične skupine znotraj parlamenta svoje volivce povezati in jim učinkovito predstaviti delo te temeljne institucije. Dovoljšno pozornost morajo nameniti komunikacijskim strategijam, s pomočjo katerih občinstvo informirajo, želijo pa seveda (pri)dobiti tudi njihovo podporo ; govorimo lahko o političnem marketingu. V magistrskem delu analiziram, kako to počne Skupina naprednega zavezništva socialistov in demokratov (S&D) v EP, kako učinkoviti so pri komuniciranju z državljani ter kaj so pri tem izzivi in priložnosti. Analiza pogovorov z medijsko ekipo politične skupine S&D je pokazala, da v glavnem ubirajo tri načine: komuniciranje s pomočjo tradicionalnih medijev – preko sporočil za javnost, s povečano aktivnostjo na družbenih omrežjih in s politično iniciativo v obliki interaktivnih dogodkov po Evropi. Svojo komunikacijo poskušajo ne glede na kanal ali formo čim bolj poenotiti, jo narediti pan-evropsko in predvsem razumljivo vsakdanjemu državljanu, kar pa je zaradi kompleksnosti evropskih politik mnogokrat izziv. Nadalje sem ugotovila, da pri zastavljanju komuniciranja v imenu 27 držav članic pomembno vlogo igrata multikulturnost in večjezičnost. Kot najbolj učinkovit pristop v svoji komunikaciji so v medijski ekipi navedli čim večjo personifikacijo in osebni stik, za kar skušajo kar se da povečati sodelovanje z evropskimi poslanci. ; Among the bodies of the European union it is the European Parliament (EP) that directly represents all the Europeans, laying down the Union's democratic foundation. In that context, its media presence is playing an important role if the Parliament's political groups are to connect with their voters and effectively present to them the EP's work. A communication strategy has to be set out in order to determine how to inform the audience and, of course, gain their support ; essentially, we talk about political marketing. In my master's thesis, I analyse how the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) in the EP is doing that, how effective they are in communicating with the citizens, and what are the challenges and opportunities. I interviewed the S&D's media team, which showed me that they mainly communicate in three ways: through traditional media – with press releases, with increased activity on social media, and through a political initiative in the form of interactive events across Europe. They try to make their communication as pan-European and understandable to everyday citizens as possible, no matter the channel of communication, which is often a challenge due to the complexity of European policies. Furthermore, the analysis showed that multiculturalism and multilingualism play an important role when trying to communicate on behalf of the 27 Member States. Finally, personalising their messages as much as possible proved to be a successful approach, for which they try to increase the cooperation with the Members of the European Parliament.
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In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 33-45
ISSN: 1581-5374
After explaining the relationship between the executive, legislative, & judicial branches of government in the parliamentary system of the Republic of Estonia, the election, duties, responsibilities, & prerogatives of the office of president in this country are described. The Estonian constitutional law allows for up to five rounds of presidential election. The president of the Republic is elected by the parliament in the first three rounds of elections. If no candidate receives a majority of votes, a special electoral body, consisting of members of parliament & local government representatives, is formed to elect the president in the fourth, & if needed, fifth round. The Estonian president is elected for a five-year term, but no more than two consecutive terms. In exceptional circumstances, the term of the office of president can be longer or shorter than five years. The representative, executive, legislative (eg, the veto power), & commander-in-chief duties of the Estonian president are described, & scenarios for president recall/impeachment are outlined. Adapted from the source document.