Suchergebnisse

A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Republic of Cyprus with an emphasis on its decentralized characteristics & territorial division/composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official languages, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) the government structure: the division between the legislature, the executive branch, & the judiciary; the composition, election/appointment, & functions/powers of each; the term, election, & powers of the president, (3) regional & local governments, (4) division into departments (Greek & Turkish & their UN supervision) & communes, & (5) local government structure (the municipal council, the office of mayor, & administrative committees). Adapted from the source document.

Paragraphs in the Slovene constitution, decisions by the Constitutional Court, & local self-government statutes are examined to determine if there is an inherent conflict of interest when mayors of municipalities are also elected & serve as representatives to this country's national assembly. Comparative references are made to other European countries, mostly France, where a similar performance of parliamentary & mayoral functions by the same person is permitted under certain conditions. After analyzing the conflicting scenarios in which the parliamentarian mandate influence the mayoral one, & vice versa, & recognizing the unusually high incidence of dual-mandate cases in Slovenia, a relatively small country, constitutional & legislative actions are suggested to remedy the current situation & minimize the incompatibility of functions & duties at state & local levels. The triple mandate of deputy mayors in Slovenia is also examined, pointing out his/her burden & responsibility in performing duties of mayor & local council & national assembly member. It is concluded that although neither unconstitutional nor unlawful, dual & triple mandates are potentially harmful to democracy, open doors to political corruption & abuse of power, & pose a danger of further damaging the image of an honest politician. Adapted from the source document.

V Ukrajini so se leta 2014 po seriji različnih notranjih političnih kriz na vzhodu države, v regiji Donbas, pojavila separatistična gibanja, katerih pripadniki so za regiji Doneck in Lugansk zahtevali odcepitev od države. Začetnim protestom je sledil konflikt, ki ga že od vsega začetka zaznamuje prepletanje delovanja različnih vpletenih strani: upornikov na eni in ukrajinske oblasti na drugi strani, kot tudi mednarodne skupnosti. Na eni strani sta Evropska unija in NATO, ki si zadnji dve desetletji na različne načine prizadevajo za integracijo vzhodnoevropskih držav. Na drugi strani je Ruska federacija, ki je še vedno izrazito povezana z republikami nekdanje Sovjetske zveze in nanje tudi močno vpliva. Širjenje vplivov iz EU in ZDA oziroma zahoda na splošno v teh državah domnevno ogroža ruske interese in interese proruske struje v Ukrajini. Magistrsko delo prikazuje zgodovinski razvoj Ukrajine in zapletene družbene, gospodarske in politične razmere, prisotne v državi, ki pripomorejo k razumevanju razvoja in poteka konflikta. Temu sledita analiza medijskega poročanja in vloge medijev v razvoju konflikta in političnogeografska analiza konflikta ter njegov vpliv na širše dogajanje in odnose v Evropi in svetu ; After a series of various internal political crises in eastern Ukraine in 2014, separatist movements appeared in the Donbas region, demanding secession of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The initial protests were followed by a conflict marked throughout by the intertwining actions of the various parties involved: the rebels, the Ukrainian authorities as well as the international community. On the one hand, there is the European Union and NATO, striving for the integration of Eastern European countries over the last two decades. On the other hand, there is the Russian Federation, still strongly connected with the republics of the former Soviet Union and exerting a strong influence on them. Supposedly, the growing influences of the EU, the US and the West in general in these countries pose a threat to the Russian interests and the interests of the pro-Russian movement in Ukraine. This master's thesis presents the historical development of Ukraine and its complex social, economic and political conditions, shedding light on the development and course of the conflict in the country. It then provides an analysis of the role of the media in the development of the conflict, as well as a political geographic analysis of the conflict and its impact on the events and relations on European and global level.

The great restructuring of power in the Christian West at the beginning of the second millennium did not change the meaning of the notion of Europe as inherited from the previous two centuries. Rather, it brought forth new concepts to describe the unity of Western Christians, thus marginalizing "Europe" as a potential bearer of collective identity. Foremost among those new unitary concepts was Christendom -- a concept closely linked with the rise of the papal monarchy & the launching of the First Crusade as the pope's own war. By analyzing 11th-century sources & literature connected with the First Crusade, the author shows that the term Europe -- used merely in its geographical sense or in connection with the ancient myth of Europa & the legend of Japheth -- had little relevance for the practical & spiritual concerns of that age. Adapted from the source document.

After explaining the difference between the notions of self-government & local autonomy, the applicability of both to the description of the political-administrative status of the Slovene city of Ljubljana in the 19th-century Austrian Empire is examined. The Austrian March Constitution of 1849, its abolishment by the emperor Franz Joseph in 1851, the municipalities law of 1849 & 1862, & December Constitution of 1867 are some of the legal acts examined in the outline of the chronology of the self-government & autonomy of Ljubljana as a provincial capital in the Austrian Empire. The powers & prerogatives contained in the city's municipal statues are discussed, considering the relationship & power sharing between the state & municipalities in the Austrian Empire & the Austria-Hungary dual monarchy. The study of the Ljubljana archive sources concludes that prior to 1895, the city's municipal council powers to issue normative legislation were limited, & an increased norm-giving activity resulted only from the need to rebuild the city after the 1895 earthquake. The council's municipal autonomy was largely responsible for regulating all reconstruction activities, including the organization & modernization of transport, electrification, & other infrastructure. Adapted from the source document.

V institucionalni ureditvi Evropske unije je Evropski parlament (EP) tisti, ki direktno zastopa vse Evropejce, s čimer Uniji postavlja demokratične temelje. Pri tem igra pomembno vlogo njegova medijska prisotnost, če želijo politične skupine znotraj parlamenta svoje volivce povezati in jim učinkovito predstaviti delo te temeljne institucije. Dovoljšno pozornost morajo nameniti komunikacijskim strategijam, s pomočjo katerih občinstvo informirajo, želijo pa seveda (pri)dobiti tudi njihovo podporo ; govorimo lahko o političnem marketingu. V magistrskem delu analiziram, kako to počne Skupina naprednega zavezništva socialistov in demokratov (S&D) v EP, kako učinkoviti so pri komuniciranju z državljani ter kaj so pri tem izzivi in priložnosti. Analiza pogovorov z medijsko ekipo politične skupine S&D je pokazala, da v glavnem ubirajo tri načine: komuniciranje s pomočjo tradicionalnih medijev – preko sporočil za javnost, s povečano aktivnostjo na družbenih omrežjih in s politično iniciativo v obliki interaktivnih dogodkov po Evropi. Svojo komunikacijo poskušajo ne glede na kanal ali formo čim bolj poenotiti, jo narediti pan-evropsko in predvsem razumljivo vsakdanjemu državljanu, kar pa je zaradi kompleksnosti evropskih politik mnogokrat izziv. Nadalje sem ugotovila, da pri zastavljanju komuniciranja v imenu 27 držav članic pomembno vlogo igrata multikulturnost in večjezičnost. Kot najbolj učinkovit pristop v svoji komunikaciji so v medijski ekipi navedli čim večjo personifikacijo in osebni stik, za kar skušajo kar se da povečati sodelovanje z evropskimi poslanci. ; Among the bodies of the European union it is the European Parliament (EP) that directly represents all the Europeans, laying down the Union's democratic foundation. In that context, its media presence is playing an important role if the Parliament's political groups are to connect with their voters and effectively present to them the EP's work. A communication strategy has to be set out in order to determine how to inform the audience and, of course, gain their support ; essentially, we talk about political marketing. In my master's thesis, I analyse how the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) in the EP is doing that, how effective they are in communicating with the citizens, and what are the challenges and opportunities. I interviewed the S&D's media team, which showed me that they mainly communicate in three ways: through traditional media – with press releases, with increased activity on social media, and through a political initiative in the form of interactive events across Europe. They try to make their communication as pan-European and understandable to everyday citizens as possible, no matter the channel of communication, which is often a challenge due to the complexity of European policies. Furthermore, the analysis showed that multiculturalism and multilingualism play an important role when trying to communicate on behalf of the 27 Member States. Finally, personalising their messages as much as possible proved to be a successful approach, for which they try to increase the cooperation with the Members of the European Parliament.

After explaining the relationship between the executive, legislative, & judicial branches of government in the parliamentary system of the Republic of Estonia, the election, duties, responsibilities, & prerogatives of the office of president in this country are described. The Estonian constitutional law allows for up to five rounds of presidential election. The president of the Republic is elected by the parliament in the first three rounds of elections. If no candidate receives a majority of votes, a special electoral body, consisting of members of parliament & local government representatives, is formed to elect the president in the fourth, & if needed, fifth round. The Estonian president is elected for a five-year term, but no more than two consecutive terms. In exceptional circumstances, the term of the office of president can be longer or shorter than five years. The representative, executive, legislative (eg, the veto power), & commander-in-chief duties of the Estonian president are described, & scenarios for president recall/impeachment are outlined. Adapted from the source document.

Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi "klasičnemu" pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano "rizomatično" in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo "aktivno" pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. ; The notion of 'self-determination' is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the "classic" notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed 'rhizomatic,' and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future 'active' right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system's function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.

V članku je prikazan poskus ureditve mednacionalnih odnosov na istrskem polotoku v letih pred prvo svetovno vojno v širšem kontekstu reševanja nacionalnih konfliktov v avstrijski polovici Habsburške monarhije. Poseben poudarek je na predstavitvi in analizi moravskega kompromisa leta 1905, ki je temeljil na osebnem načelu in je postal nekakšen model za urejanje mednacionalnih odnosov v Cislajtaniji ter na analizi istrskega kompromisa leta 1908, ki je temeljil na teritorialnem načelu. ; The Habsburg monarchy was an absolutist monarchy before 1848, and from the Theresian-Josephine period there was a tendency to introduce a centralised unitary state. However, this was resisted by Hungary, which was able to maintain its special position under constitutional law. In 1867, the Habsurg Monarchy accepted the Austro-Hungarian compromise to be organized as a dual monarchy, as a personal and real union of two equal and more or less centralized states. The Monarchy was renamed to Austro-Hungary, however, in both parts of the states, this caused various national groups to experience a sense of discomfort and threat and consequently revoked their historical rights and national law. After the establishment of the Dual monarchy, the Wienna governments first favoured the correctional measures plans leading to federalism, after the affirmation of the dualism and the centralization, however, the idea of compromises became the central focus of solving the national disputes in Cisleithania. In 1905, German and Czech politicians in Moravia managed to reach an agreement on how to regulate the national situation in the country. The Moravian Agreement, which was conceived by the Regional Committee, was not based on territorial but on personal principles and became a model for the regulation of international relations in Cislaitania. The Istrian peninsula was also a focal point of national conflict, where Slavic deputies, especially after 1883, strongly advocated the realisation of linguistic equality in the country. The Italian majority in the Istrian Regional Assembly consistently rejected linguistic equality in the Regional Assembly. The Italian side became more receptive to Slavic demands only after the introduction of universal male suffrage for the National Assembly (1907), when it became clear that the process of political democratisation was working in favour of the emancipation of the majority Slavic population. In 1908, the Istrian Agreement, or the Regional Electoral Reform, was signed. The Slavs on the Istrian peninsula have thus won a victory. The Istria Agreement was based on the territorial division of electoral districts according to the principle of nationality and ensured that neither side majorised the other.