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Political parties are essential linkage mechanisms between citizens and the political system. We know less, however, about the question how this mechanism operates. While some authors assume it is sufficient that parties offer citizens ideological options about the way society should be governed, others indicate that parties provide strong ties to the political system by offering stable identities like party membership. In this analysis of the European Social Survey cumulative file (five waves, 2002–2010), we investigate the relation between party membership, closeness to a political party and trust in political institutions. While party membership is declining, its relation with political trust is limited. We do not find any indication that the decline of party membership could have a substantial effect on levels of political trust. Feeling close to a political party is more strongly related to political trust, even controlling for political interest. Results indicate that in most European societies levels of party closeness are stable. We conclude that political parties function as a linkage mechanism between citizens and the state, but that there is no reason to attribute a privileged role to formal party membership, as feeling close to a political party has a stronger linkage effect.

This paper investigates increasing claims that the ANC as South Africa's dominant party is losing its popularity and facing political decline. This is against the backdrop of growing disenchantment with the ruling party over a series of corruption cases, perceived poor service delivery and mal-governance characterizing the Jacob Zuma-led government. However, it is argued in this paper that there are no clear signs of the ANC losing the 2019 elections. Nevertheless, the party risks disintegration — as experience shows in other countries — if it does not effectively address issues relating to corruption, mal-governance and factionalism. The study is based on a careful reading of qualitative data from secondary sources including previous studies in journal articles and books, credible newspaper and magazine reports and institutional documents.

The COVID-19 pandemic is permanently changing modern social and economic coexistence. Most governments have declared infection control to be their top priority while citizens face great restrictions on their civil rights. A pandemic is an exemplary scenario in which political actors must decide about future, and thus uncertain, events. This paper tries to present a tool well established in the field of entrepreneurial and management decision making which could also be a first benchmark for political decisions. Our approach builds on the standard epidemiological SEIR model in combination with simulation techniques used in risk management. By our case study we want to demonstrate the opportunities that risk management techniques, especially risk analyses using Monte Carlo simulation, can provide to policy makers in general, and in a public health crisis in particular. Hence, our case study can be used as a framework for political decision making under incomplete information and uncertainty. Overall, we want to point out that a health policy that aims to provide comprehensive protection against infection should also be based on economic criteria. This is without prejudice to the integration of ethical considerations in the final political decision.

The COVID-19 pandemic is permanently changing modern social and economic coexistence. Most governments have declared infection control to be their top priority while citizens face great restrictions on their civil rights. A pandemic is an exemplary scenario in which political actors must decide about future, and thus uncertain, events. This paper tries to present a tool well established in the field of entrepreneurial and management decision making which could also be a first benchmark for political decisions. Our approach builds on the standard epidemiological SEIR model in combination with simulation techniques used in risk management. By our case study we want to demonstrate the opportunities that risk management techniques, especially risk analyses using Monte Carlo simulation, can provide to policy makers in general, and in a public health crisis in particular. Hence, our case study can be used as a framework for political decision making under incomplete information and uncertainty. Overall, we want to point out that a health policy that aims to provide comprehensive protection against infection should also be based on economic criteria. This is without prejudice to the integration of ethical considerations in the final political decision.

Objective. Felon disenfranchisement (FD) policies are said to not only prohibit (ex)felons from voting, but also reduce the political influence of particular groups that are most affected by FD laws. This study tests several hypotheses regarding the role of socialization on individual‐level political participation to examine the claims that nonfelons' probability of voting is reduced by strict FD laws.Methods. The study uses multilevel modeling and two separate individual‐level data sets of those registered to vote to examine the effect of FD laws on the probability of voting.Results. The findings demonstrate that strict FD laws reduce the probability of voting for blacks, but not whites, while the results are mixed for several other demographic groups.Conclusions. Beyond the direct removal of ex‐felons from the voter pool, FD policy can undermine the mechanism of political socialization, leading to potentially greater biases in the electoral arena than previously thought.

AbstractThe use of hate speech for political mobilisation and its overall impact on democratisation have generated debate and controversy in both post-colonial formations and more advanced democracies. This is because hate speech tends to promote hatred between different ethnic groups. In Nigeria, it is usually deployed in the build up to elections. Using mixed methods approach, this study interrogates the consequences of hate speech as a political campaign strategy on electioneering and democratisation in Nigeria. The study argues that the use of hate speech in political campaign entrenches hatred and discriminatory voting pattern among citizens. It grossly affects democratisation, the quality of party programmes and candidates chosen by voters. Despite its appeal to extreme right populism based on ethnic voting and other forms of exclusionary politics, the use of hate speech as a political campaign strategy neither promotes the principles of majoritarian democracy nor protects minority rights.

Arı, Yılmaz (Balıkesir Author) ; Opposition to mining activities is an increasingly global phenomenon. A key feature of political ecology literature examining this opposition is its focus on the power of multinational corporations to gain access to resources on lands principally claimed by indigenous peoples and peasants in Third World countries. These struggles often play out within the context of tensions between neoliberal natural resource policies and interventions by non-governmental and civil society actors. Meanwhile, political ecology scholars of natural resource conflicts in First World countries are documenting conflicts over environmental management that emerge from complex commodification processes and competing forms of capital investment, such as those associated with amenity migration, that privilege different characteristics of landscapes. These perspectives are rarely combined into a single framework, despite the recognition that common dimensions may intermingle in regional contexts around the world. Using the case of conflict over gold mining in the Kaz (Ida) Mountains of western Turkey, this article explores the intersection of state neoliberalism with competing forms of rural capital, which produce a regional mining conflict. Our case highlights the value of locating the First and Third Worlds within when it comes to studies of social processes that shape environmental conflicts.

Abstract. This study aims to describe the Election Smart House (RPP) as a means of pre-voting political education in Pekanbaru City and Dumai City. The study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Determination of research informants through non-probability sampling techniques with purposive sampling techniques. The data validity testing technique uses triangulation of data sources. The research findings show that pre-voting political education through the use of lesson plans is carried out in two ways, namely (1) a program to disseminate lesson plans to schools. The Election Commission of Pekanbaru City conducted socialization of lesson plans to kindergartens and elementary schools, while junior and senior high schools had not yet done so because of time constraints. While the General Election Commission of Dumai City has never carried out socialization of the RPP to schools, but rather it was carried out in tertiary institutions and; (2) hearings (visits) to the lesson plan. Pre-voter hearing activities have never been conducted in the Pekanbaru City RPP, while the Dumai City RPP has received a one-time visit from the school, namely the Erna City Vocational School in Dumai in December 2019. The RPP as a means of pre-voting political education has not run optimally. This is indicated by the lack of socialization of the RPP to the pre-voters and pre-voter visits to the RPP. In addition, the General Election Commission as the manager of the RPP does not have a special / routine program in educating pre-voters through the use of the RPP. Some efforts are needed to increase the political literacy of pre-voters through the use of RPPs such as the special RPP program that is carried out periodically through the collaboration of the General Election Commission as the manager of RPPs and schools through PPKn teachers as subjects integrated with electoral and pre-voter visits to RPPs.Keywords: Election Smart House, Political Education, Pre-election, DemocracyAbstrak. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan Rumah Pintar Pemilu (RPP) sebagai sarana pendidikan politik prapemilih di Kota Pekanbaru dan Kota Dumai. Penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif. Penentuan informan penelitian melalui teknik non probability sampling dengan teknik purposive sampling. Teknik pengujian keabsahan data menggunakan triangulasi sumber data. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pendidikan politik prapemilih melalui pemanfaatan RPP dilakukan melalui dua cara yakni (1) program kegiatan sosialisasi RPP ke sekolah. Komisi Pemilihan Umum Kota Pekanbaru melakukan sosialisasi RPP ke taman kanak-kanak dan sekolah dasar, sedangkan untuk jenjang SMP dan SMA belum dilakukan karena terkendala waktu. Sementara Komisi Pemilihan Umum Kota Dumai belum pernah melakukan sosialisasi RPP ke sekolah, melainkan dilaksanakan di perguruan tinggi dan; (2) audiensi (kunjungan) ke RPP. Kegiatan audiensi prapemilih belum pernah dilakukan di RPP Kota Pekanbaru, sedangkan RPP Kota Dumai pernah menerima kunjungan sekali dari sekolah yakni SMK Erna Kota Dumai pada Desember 2019. RPP sebagai sarana pendidikan politik prapemilih belum berjalan secara optimal. Hal tersebut ditunjukkan dengan minimnya sosialisasi RPP kepada prapemilih maupun kunjungan prapemilih ke RPP. Selain itu, Komisi Pemilihan Umum sebagai pengelola RPP tidak mempunyai program khusus/rutin dalam mengedukasi prapemilih melalui pemanfaatan RPP. Diperlukan beberapa upaya untuk meningkatkan literasi politik prapemilih melalui pemanfaatan RPP seperti adanya program khusus RPP yang dilaksanakan secara berkala melalui kerjasama Komisi Pemilihan Umum sebagai pengelola RPP dan sekolah melalui guru PPKn sebagai mata pelajaran yang terintegrasi dengan kepemiluan serta kunjungan prapemilih ke RPP.Kata Kunci: Rumah Pintar Pemilu, Pendidikan Politik, Prapemilih, Demokrasi.

We seek to better understand how formal mentoring may impact protégés' leadership development by arguing that protégés' informal mentoring networks help explain the relationship between formal mentoring and two protégé leadership development outcomes: motivation to lead and promotability. We also argue that protégés' political skill and gender serve as boundary conditions of these mediated relationships. Using 100 South Korean mentor-protégé dyads in four organizations across three points in time, we find that a higher level of formal mentoring is positively associated with the quality of protégés' informal mentoring networks, which, in turn, is positively associated with protégés' motivation to lead, but not protégés' promotability. We also find that the relationship between a higher level of formal mentoring and the quality of protégés' informal mentoring networks is strengthened when protégés have a higher level of political skill. In addition, we find that female protégés obtain more informal mentoring networking benefits from their formal mentors than male protégés. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.