Taking into account the epistemological convergence between political science and political anthropology, the author reflects on the nature and contents of pluricultural democracy, providing some critical remarks. ; Desde la convergencia epistemológica entre ciencia política y antropología política el autor reflexiona sobre la naturaleza y los contenidos de la democracia pluricultural, aportando algunas consideraciones críticas. ; Depuis la convergence épistémologique sur Science Politique et Anthropologie Politique, l'auteur réflechie sur la nature et les contenus de la Démocratie Pluri-culturelle, en apportant quelques considérations critiques. ; Fil: Vázquez, Amancio. Centro Interdisciplinario de Ciencias Etnolingüísticas y Antropológico-Sociales. Facultad de Humanidades y Artes. Universidad Nacional de Rosario; Argentina
The study of democratic theory and democratic politics is at the core of the discipline of political science. Yet the very centrality of democracy to the discipline may be what makes it difficult to sort out whether political science is doing the work of democracy rather than simply the analysis of it. Political science's origins were civic minded but it has evolved into a more professionalized observer of politics than a promoter or creator of democracy. Nonetheless, in recent years there has been, as in many disciplines, a renewed interest in the civic component of our work and a challenge to the dominant paradigms of disinterested analysis and formal modeling. There are promising developments in political science that are contributing to the deliberative democracy "movement," both in research and pedagogy.
The study of democratic theory and democratic politics is at the core of the discipline of political science. Yet the very centrality of democracy to the discipline may be what makes it difficult to sort out whether political science is doing the work of democracy rather than simply the analysis of it. Political science's origins were civic minded but it has evolved into a more professionalized observer of politics than a promoter or creator of democracy. Nonetheless, in recent years there has been, as in many disciplines, a renewed interest in the civic component of our work and a challenge to the dominant paradigms of disinterested analysis and formal modeling. There are promising developments in political science that are contributing to the deliberative democracy "movement," both in research and pedagogy.
The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation. ; Straipsnyje plėtojamos normatyvinės prielaidos, kokios turėtų būti politinės ideologijos, demokratija ir politinės partijos. Formuluojama persvarstyto liberalizmo, kuris suvokiamas kaip patraukli alternatyva vyraujančioms šiuolaikinėms politinėms ideologijoms, versija. Persvarstyto liberalizmo prielaidas, kokios turi būti ideologijos, apibendrina ideologinio pliuralizmo samprata. Ideologiniam pliuralizmui būdinga: 1) skirtis tarp "kairės" ir "dešinės" nėra vienintelė, kuri paaiškina ideologinių schemų įvairovę – galimos ir kitokios skirtys, politinės ideologijos nebūtinai turi būti kategorizuojamos kairės-dešinės skalėje; 2) kad ideologijos būtų pripažintos demokratinėje visuomenėje, jos turi atitikti bendrus demokratiškumo principus; 3) ideologijos padeda politinėms partijoms generuoti alternatyvias socialinės tikrovės vizijas ir viešosios politikos alternatyvų paketus, įtikinti rinkėjus, suburti komandas, kompetentingas įgyvendinti šias vizijas ir viešosios politikos alternatyvas, išugdyti lyderius, kurie sugebėtų įkvėpti ir motyvuoti žmones siekti bendrų tikslų. Taip pat formuluojama visapusiškos demokratijos samprata, alternatyvi tiek atstovaujamosios, tiek tiesioginės, deliberatyvinės, pilietinės, tiek kitų šiuolaikinių demokratijų koncepcijoms. Visapusiškos demokratijos modelyje demokratija yra suvokiama kaip kolektyvinio sprendimų priėmimo proceso savybė, formuluojami normatyviniai kriterijai pagrindiniams kolektyvinio sprendimų priėmimo proceso elementams: sprendimų priėmimo proceso dalyviams, sprendimų priėmimo proceso procedūroms, sprendimų turiniui ir sprendimų įgyvendinimui. Tokia integruota demokratijos teorija sudaro galimybę formuoti naujas demokratines institucijas, keisti sprendimų priėmimo praktikas. Iš visapusiškos demokratijos sampratos išvedamos prielaidos apie kitokį politinių partijų vaidmenį – politinėms partijoms siūloma priskirti tokias funkcijas kaip piliečių ugdymas, viešųjų diskusijų iniciavimas ir moderavimas, viešosios politikos sprendimų įgyvendinimo priežiūra. Politinės partijos visapusiškoje demokratijoje turėtų veikti vadovaudamosi ideologijomis, kurios atitiktų jau minėto ideologinio pliuralizmo sąlygas. Politinių partijų vidaus valdymas taip pat turėtų būti organizuotas pagal visapusiškos demokratijos modelio kriterijus.
This article explores the reductionist approach of political ideologies as used by political candidates, which is part of the common feature of political marketing. Understanding the value or belief system which is accepted as fact or truth by the targeted group, places the candidate in a position to promote them self as a well-intentioned, committed leader who seeks to motivate the audience to action. Modern marketing of political candidates begins by understanding central concepts of ideologies. The utilization of ideologies is complex, in that there is no single concept or claim revealing surprising affinities with various images of the candidate. It also has distinctive function, by misrepresenting the totality of the ideology by forming a total belief in the candidate versus the ideology in a particular way. People must commit or surrender to the demands of the candidate, thus making it possible for the candidate to get elected. The branding of the candidate while utilizing political ideologies in part disables people from easily disregarding information perceived to be antithetical to the concepts of the ideology (Quelch, 2007).
This study explored the relationships among political ideologies, masculinity ideologies, and shame ideologies within three online communities. Three different ideological communities, all on Reddit (a discussion-based social news website), were chosen based on previous research suggesting they differ in terms of their conceptualizations of gender and support for or rejection of feminism: r/TheRedPill, r/MensRights, and r/MensLib. This study uses a framework for understanding Ideologies as Complex Adaptive Systems (ICAS) as articulated by Thagard (2017), which uses Cognitive and Affective Maps (CAMs) as its primary tool of analysis. Using the postings on the Reddit sites as our raw data, we created CAMs to assist in comparing the conceptual and affective qualities of each community. We conducted the study in three phases: in Phase One, we used Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) methods and correlational analyses to create a set of general ideological CAMs for each community. We also constructed a set of CAMs depicting whom each group views as ingroups and outgroups in their creation of social identities. In Phase Two, we created a set of CAMs for each community's dominant conception of gender. In Phase Three, we constructed a set of CAMs depicting each community's relationship with the ideas of shame and injustice. The discussion section is organized into five main chapters. The first chapter contains reflections on the process of using CAMs, the next chapter is on the study's limitations and future directions, and the final three are on the study findings' empirical, theoretical, and clinical implications. The empirical implications of the study contribute to the following areas of research: the role of shame in ideology, the political construction of victimhood, and Ambivalent Sexism. In the theoretical implications chapter, I discuss the study's potential contributions to theory development in the CAMs methodology. The final chapter offers reflections on the study's clinical implications, especially related to gender identity development, sexual violence, and the role of ideology in emotion regulation.
This updated edition of the influential Development Against Democracy is a critical guide to postwar studies of modernisation and development. In the mid-twentieth century, models of development studies were products of postwar American policy. They focused on newly independent states in the Global South, aiming to assure their pro-Western orientation by promoting economic growth, political reform and liberal democracy. However, this prevented real democracy and radical change. Today, projects of democracy have evolved in a radically different political environment that seems to have little in common with the postwar period. Development Against Democracy, however, testifies to a revealing continuity in foreign policy, including in justifications of 'humanitarian intervention' that echo those of counterinsurgency decades earlier in Latin America, the Middle East and Southeast Asia. Irene L. Gendzier argues that the fundamental ideas on which theories of modernisation and development rest have been resurrected in contemporary policy and its theories, representing the continuity of postwar US foreign policy in a world permanently altered by globalisation and its multiple discontents, the proliferation of 'failed states,' the unprecedented exodus of refugees, and Washington's declaration of a permanent war against terrorism.
In all advanced Western nations, policy-makers have implemented encompassing welfare state reforms in recent decades breaking with past welfare arrangements. In particular, social democracy engaged in significant policy change under the Third Way paradigm and broke with its traditional reputation on welfare that had built the ties with the core constituency in the 20th century. The Electoral Consequences of Third Way Welfare State Reforms: Social Democracy's Transformation and its Political Costs provides a comparative study of the electoral consequences of Third Way welfare state reforms. The book demonstrates that Third Way reforms went against the social policy preferences of social democracy's core voters and indeed produced an electoral setback for social democrats at the ballots. Moreover, and accounting for cross-national variation, the analysis shows that the nature of the setback is contingent on the electoral system and the party competition social democrats face when reforming the welfare state.
ÖZETİnsanları diğer canlılardan ayıran en önemli özellikler hayal gücü ve yaratım yeteneğidir. Bu her iki vasıf da insanların hem özel, hem de kamusal hayatları için vazgeçilmezdir. İnsanlar yüzyıllar boyunca yaşam şekillerini, toplulukları, halkları, devletleri ve hükümet sistemlerini tasavvur etmişler ve sonuç olarak kendi tasavvurlarını vücuda getirmişlerdir. İster gerçeğe dönüşsün, ister asla gerçekleştirilemeyecek ütopyalar (hatta distopyalar) olarak kalsın, hayal gücünün dünyanın işleyiş biçimine doğrudan katkısı vardır. Politika, uluslar arası ilişkiler, bilim, sanat ve edebiyatta bu hayal gücünün sonuçlarını ve yansımalarını rahatlıkla görebiliriz. Bununla birlikte, bu yansımanın karşılıklı olduğunu da söyleyebiliriz. Hayal gücü politikayı ve politik sistemleri etkilediği kadar, bu sistemler ve politikadaki değişimler de insanların fikirlerini etkiler, özellikle de sınırsız bir hayal gücüne sahip olanları. Bu bağlamda, bilim kurgu edebiyatının usta kalemleri kendi ütopyan ve distopyan dünyalarını yaratmış ve dünya çapında yankı bularak diğer insanların fikirlerini de etkilemişlerdir. Hayallerle gerçekler arasındaki bu etkileşim en iyi bilim kurgunun başyapıtlarında görülmektedir. Politik ideolojiler (ki bunlar da sonuçta kağıt üzerindeki tasavvurlardır) ve ütopyan / distopyan romanlar arasındaki bağlantılar ve karşılaştırmalar William Morris'in News From Nowhere (Hiçbir Yerden Haberler), Aldous Huxley'nin Brave New World (Cesur Yeni Dünya), Ursula K. Le Guin'in The Dispossessed (Mülksüzler) and William Gibson'ın Neuromancer (Matrix Avcısı) adlı kitaplarında incelenmiştir. Bu romanlar ütopyan ya da distopyan dünyaları resmederek bize alternatif gerçeklikleri gösterirken, bir yandan da geçmişi ve şimdiyi yansıtarak bize geleceğe ilişkin rehberler sunmaktadır.ABSTRACTThe most important elements that separate humans from other living organisms are the power of imagination and the gift of creation. Both abilities are crucial in people's lives, private and public. For centuries humankind imagined their life styles, communities, societies, states, government systems and as a result, they created their own imaginations. Whether they become realities or utopias (maybe dystopias), imagination has a lot to do with how the world works. In politics, international relations, science, art and literature, we can see the outcomes and reflections of human imagination. Besides, we can also say that this reflection works both ways. Just as much as imagination affects politics, political systems and political changes also affect the minds of people, especially those with a boundless imagination. In this context, the masters of science fiction literature have built utopian and dystopian worlds of their own and have affected the minds of other people throughout the world. The interaction between imagination and reality is best seen in these sci-fi masterpieces. The connections and comparisons between political ideologies (which are also imaginations put on paper) and utopian / dystopian novels are examined in William Morris's News From Nowhere, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World, Ursula K. Le Guin's The Dispossessed and William Gibson's Neuromancer. These novels present us alternative realities by picturing utopian or dystopian worlds and by reflecting our history and present, they offer us guides towards the future.
Why do groups of even well-educated individuals sometimes persistently believe in political myths and ideologies? We follow cognition psychology in its finding that individuals sometimes stick with intuitive but false propositions. We also follow Kahneman, however, in maintaining that they challenge their intuition when the consequences for their individual wealth are sufficiently high. We embed these propositions into a model that determines the conditions of a myth equilibrium, in which almost all individuals stick with ex-post rationalization to justify their initial intuition, or a truth equilibrium in which all individuals pursue ex-ante reasoning that aims to get as close to the truth as possible. We show why myths are clustered around certain groups and why groups are more likely to stick with political myths than individuals, thus disproving Condorcet's jury theorem.
In: Gjorshoski, Nikola and Ilik, Goran (2018) POLITICAL AND DOCTRINAL SOURCES AND VALUABLE FRAMEWORK OF THE POLITICAL ISLAM IN THE CONTEXT OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES. Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, 3 (3). pp. 29-42. ISSN 1857-9760
The relation between religion and politics is a field of mutual interaction, as well as source and promoter of many historical, current and probably future political movements, parties, and organizations. Political Islam represents the old-new dimension in the spectrum of contemporary political ideologies with specific characteristic and own socio-political worldview which pretend to penetrate into countries with Muslim inhabitants. The authors analyze those value's elements, their first term, and modern interpretation, as well as their indicators for change. Level and dynamic of society's development in many cases are determinate in political ideologies and Political Islam tries to present itself in this light with affirmation of its/own postulates of organization and regulation on socio-political living. This paper in addition to analyzing on those values' framework logically offers and review of political doctrine sources which concept Political Islam in the whole of its time-space aspects. Keywords: Political ideology, Political Islam, Shariа law, Islamic parties, Islamic movements, Islamic values
Vols. 4-38, 40-41 include Record of political events, Oct. 1, 1888-Dec. 31, 1925 (issued as a separately paged supplement to no. 3 of v. 31-38 and to no. 1 of v. 40) ; Microfilm. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Issued by the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, 1909- ; by the Academy of Political Science, Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University ; Vols. 1-15, 1886-1900. 1 v; Vols. 1-30, 1886-1915. 1 v.; Vols. 1-45, 1886-1930. 1 v.; Vols. 46-65, 1931-50. 1 v ; NEWS; MICROFILM 21252: See call no. H1 P8 for MAIN holdings on paper for this title. ; MAIN; AQ P66: Includes reprint editions when original not available ; SCP weekly serials 2007/2008. ; UPD
Our work intends to shed new insights into the debate of polarization by using a multidisciplinary approach that applies Evolutionary Game Theory to study the evolution of public ideology in US. In particular, we use the replicator equation to model political ideology as a dynamic game, where strategies reproduce at a rate proportional to their payoffs. Evolutionary game theory has explicit biological roots, where payoffs represent fitness as the underlying process of natural selection. However, these models can also be thought of as models of cultural evolution. ; TRUE ; pub
In: van Prooijen , J W & Krouwel , A P M 2019 , ' Psychological Features of Extreme Political Ideologies ' , Current Directions in Psychological Science , vol. 28 , no. 2 , pp. 1-5 . https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721418817755
In this article, we examine psychological features of extreme political ideologies. In what ways are political left- and right-wing extremists similar to one another and different from moderates? We propose and review four interrelated propositions that explain adherence to extreme political ideologies from a psychological perspective. We argue that (a) psychological distress stimulates adopting an extreme ideological outlook; (b) extreme ideologies are characterized by a relatively simplistic, black-and-white perception of the social world; (c) because of such mental simplicity, political extremists are overconfident in their judgments; and (d) political extremists are less tolerant of different groups and opinions than political moderates. In closing, we discuss how these psychological features of political extremists increase the likelihood of conflict among groups in society.
Political Ideologies and the Democratic Ideal thoroughly analyzes and compares political ideologies to help readers understand these ideologies as acutely as a political scientist does. Used alone or with its companion Ideals and Ideologies: A Reader, this best-selling title promotes open-mindedness and develops critical thinking skills. ; https://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf/1187/thumbnail.jpg