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The subject of this article is political culture and its relationship with democracy. The article is focused mainly on Turkish political culture and democratic practices. It is clear that the political system is directly connected with the political culture of society. But how could we distinguish political culture from other things or do we even have to? The purpose of this article is to present and evaluate the main role of political culture, which affects levels of tolerance, interpersonal trust, etc., as well as the adaption of democratic institutions to the current system. The main problems of Turkish political life are discussed in the article with the perspective of the relationship between political culture and democracy. The aim of this article is to present concepts of cultural orientations, the reflection of economic and political factors, social structures, as well as complex and unclear relations between them, which are simultaneously linked to a stable democracy. Therefore, it can be observed that stable democracy is not a coincidence but a result of all mentioned factors.

I am delighted to be here and am greatly honored by your award. All the more honored because of my distinguished predecessors who have received it: Ernest Griffith, Francis Wilcox, Alan (Scotty) Campbell, and Donna Shalala. I always have believed that the knowledge we gain as scholars should provide a basis for others or for ourselves to play an active, effective and sound role in government and politics.This belief is exemplified in a statement that for years I have included in the printed program of our Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association:"There is the statesmanship of thought and there is the statesmanship of action … the man who has the time, the discrimination, and the sagacity to collect and comprehend the principal facts and the man who must act upon them must draw near to one another and feel that they are engaged in a common enterprise."

This article is an examination of democracy and political apathy in Nigeria between 1999 and 2011. It attempted to find out the dangers of political apathy in Nigeria's democracy during the period under study. The article observed that political apathy manifested itself in the country between 1999 and 2011 in the following forms: one, the decline to register; two, the refusal to vote; three, failure to protest against rigging and four, failure to assist the security agents with useful information. It discovered that bad governance was responsible for political apathy. The article therefore recommended good governance as a solution to political apathy in Nigeria's democracy.

National character must be distinguished from na tional characteristics, and must be assessed over an adequate period of time. Also, the question must be faced as to whether political institutions shape national character more or less than they are shaped by it. The outstanding attributes of national character discernible in recent centuries are particularism, atomism, orderliness, otherworldliness, restraint, a sense of mission, herrenvolkism, mysticism and humility, anthropocen tricism, materialism, egalitarianism, traditionalism, logicism, empiricism, experimentalism, and resoluteness. But what of the future? It would appear that as we observe the passng of the bipolar political world and are confronted with the vocal independence of the Third World, there will be an intensifica tion of particularism, both within and among separate coun tries. Also, it appears that political loyalties will be based in creasingly on hate rather than love, which is another reason why we should try to develop an effective world government. Also, the state as a concept and a political entity is fading. Governments are becoming more ephemeral, but they are real and comprehensible, whether they take on the form of a re public, a one-man dictatorship, a one-party dictatorship, or a charismatic executive.

Plato's doctrine of the ideal state is the first form of political philosophy in the written history for European thought. The influence of Plato on the formation of political philosophy cannot be overestimated, since its further development in one way or another was based on the discourse and methodology that was set by his dialogues. This study aims to identify common discourses and dialectical foundations of the most influential modern schools of political philosophy converging in the ideas of Plato. Also, the study is aimed at identifying the main forms in which the philosophical ideas of Plato function in modern political philosophy in an explicit and implicit way. The contribution of the research and its novelty lies in the disclosure of the implicitly immanent features that connect political philosophy with the ideas of Plato as its primary source.

The term "biopolitics" carries multiple, sometimes competing, meanings in political science. When the term was first used in the United States in the late 1970s, it referred to an emerging subdiscipline that incorporated the theories and data of the life sciences into the study of political behavior and public policy. But by the mid-1990s, biopolitics was adopted by postmodernist scholars at the American Political Science Association's annual meeting who followed Foucault's work in examining the power of the state on individuals. Michel Foucault first used the term biopolitics in the 1970s to denote social and political power over life. Since then, two groups of political scientists have been using this term in very different ways. This paper examines the parallel developments of the term "biopolitics," how two subdisciplines gained (and one lost) control of the term, and what the future holds for its meaning in political science.

AbstractInteractions between units in political systems often occur across multiple relational contexts. These relational systems feature interdependencies that result in inferential shortcomings and poorly-fitting models when ignored. General advancements in inferential network analysis have improved our ability to understand relational systems featuring interdependence, but developments specific to working with interdependence that cross relational contexts remain sparse. In this paper, I introduce a multilayer network approach to modeling systems comprising multiple relations using the exponential random graph model. In two substantive applications, the first a policy communication network and the second a global conflict network, I demonstrate that the multilayer approach affords inferential leverage and produces models that better fit observed data.