Under nation-building in Mexico after the 1910 revolution, indigenous populations were assimilated into the national mestizo class structure. Today, these indigenous groups continue to maintain their distinct ethnic identity, with 5 million Mexicans speaking 60 distinct indigenous languages. Ethnic consciousness has recently arisen in new political movements in Mexico, & indigenous groups are mobilized to defend their rights. A number of groups, profiled here, have surfaced in Oaxaca. The ethnic indigenous movements have diverse economic, social, & political demands, but have a common justification by reference to their histories, languages, & cultures. It is concluded that the nation-building process in Mexico continues to be modified. M. Pflum
THE PURPOSE OF THE ARTICLE IS TO ANALYZE THE MAIN DEVELOPMENT IN THE FUNDING OF BRITISH PARTIES IN THE PARLIAMENTARY CYCLE 1983-7. FACED BY THE CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT'S DOMINANCE IN THE POLITICAL ARENA, THE LABOUR PARTY'S HEAD OFFICE MOUNTED A STRONG CHALLENGE TO CONSERVATIVE CENTRAL OFFICE IN TERMS OF ORGANIZATION AND FUNDRAISING. THE MAJOR UNIONS, DESPITE LOSS OF MEMBERS, CONTINUED TO GIVE INCREASING FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO THE LABOUR PARTY. THE CONSERVATIVES ALSO RAISED THEIR LEVEL OF CENTRAL INCOME AND MAINTAINED THEIR EDGE OVER LABOUR. THE ALLIANCE PARTIES ON THE OTHER HAND, FAILED TO BUILD ON THEIR POLITICAL SUCCESS IN THE 1983 GENERAL ELECTION.
International relations are characterized by discontinuities that divide the world economy into geographical, political, & cultural subsystems, thereby regionalizing the global economic context. The roots of collective violence are, in the first place, in local & regional conditions that are shaped vis-a-vis the global economic structure. While global approaches can be justified in economic analyses, they tend to be fallacious when applied to issues of collective violence & regional security. The autonomy of local & regional subsystems is greater in political & military terms than in economic ones. Hence they provide an appropriate context for exploring the problems of violence & security. 2 Photos. Modified AA
THE MASS POLITICAL STRUGGLE IN S. AFRICA IN THE RECENT PAST HAS BEEN CHARACTERISED BY THE VITAL ROLE THAT THE YOUTH AND STUDENTS HAVE COME TO OCCUPY IN THE BROAD FRONTLINE OF THE LIBERATION FORMATIONS. THEY HAVE BEEN TEARGASSED, INCARCERATED, SHOT AT AND KILLED IN COLD BLOOD BY THE TRIGGERNERVOUS COLONIAL APARTHEID TROOPS. THE RACIST REGIME'S BRUTALITY HAS PRODUCED THE OPPOSITE OF WHAT WAS INTENDED; IT HAS NOT DETERRED THE YOUNG PEOPLE BUT IT HAS ACTUALLY FANNED THE FIRES OF DEFIANCE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR A GREAT IDEAL - A FREE, NON-RACIAL AND DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA. THESE EVENTS HAVE OPENED A NEW PAGE OF STUDENT AND YOUTH POLITICAL MOBILISATION.
This powerful and original book locates the anti-police violence that spread across England in 1980-1 within a longer struggle against racism and disadvantage faced by black Britons, which had seen a growth in more militant forms of resistance since the Second World War. It explains these disturbances as 'collective bargaining by riot' - attempts to increase political inclusion by this marginalised group. Through case studies of Bristol, Brixton and Manchester the book explore the actions of community organisations in the aftermath of disorders. Highlighting the political activities of black Britons and the often-problematic reliance upon 'official' sources when forming historical narratives, it demonstrates the contested value awarded to public inquiries - contrastingly viewed by black Britons as either a method for increased political participation or simply a governmental diversionary tactic.
This article intends to focus on the contribution of Italian research to the knowledge of the Islamic world, underlining its path and evolution up to the present day in content, objectives and methodology. The Italian path has its roots in a tradition that dates back to the 16th century. Here we take ourselves back to the end of the 19th century, when studies on Islam were part of a generic discipline of Oriental Studies and Linguistics. Rather than on names and bibliographies (there would be too many - for which reference is made to the Treccani Italian Encyclopedia), we focus on the most significant 'stages', starting from the institutional configuration of Studies on Islam and Islamic Studies as autonomous disciplines: Michele Amari and the Italian Geographical Society, and therefore Leone Caetani and The Annals of Islam, the latter "forge" in which the great Islamists of the 20th century were trained: M. Guidi, C. A. Nallino, G. Levi Della Vida, F. Gabrieli. Alongside the academy and new fields of research (Turcology, Iranian studies, Arabic studies, etc.) three large institutions were added - supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: the Institute for the Orient (later IsPO), the Institute for the Middle and Far East Oriente and the Italian Institute for Africa (still active). World War II also marked an important break in Italy, leading studies on the Arab and Islamic world to the use of new disciplines. The influence of the French Annales school and the entry of the 'social sciences' into the new methodological paths were decisive. Studies on Islam were not immune, but distanced themselves from political science and the media fascination with 'analysis' and 'scenarios', to strictly adhere to linguistic knowledge as an indispensable tool for the study and evaluation, including historical, of political, social and current cultures, in regions where very different civilizations and traditions had met, sometimes clashed and overlapped. Multidisciplinarity and 'field-work' were the instrument of this turning point in Italy. In the first years of the Third Millennium, 'sciences' and new research 'technologies' (archaeometry, physics, the drone, etc.) came together which, by supporting textual and non-textual sources, allow the 'confirmation' of those that had remained working hypothesis for a long time.
How did the social sciences theoretically contribute to producing the movements of Chilean pobladores and Brazilian favelados during the twentieth century? Through a critical review of the main theories that seek to understand the political actions of the urban poor in Santiago de Chile and Rio de Janeiro, this article shows the close relationship between these movements and the production of social sciences, in which a double hermeneutic operates—a mutually influential reflexive process that eventually contributed to the constitution and recognition of the movements as such. This research analyzes how social sciences perform the same social struggles that they attempt to describe, in other words, how certain academic contexts interact positively or negatively with the political and social disputes generated from the movements in question. I review theories of marginality and dependent urbanization, urban social movements, utilitarian views, and new social movements, showing how these interpretations alternated between requiem, rediscovery, and denial of the favelados and pobladores as social movements. Resumen¿Cómo las ciencias sociales contribuyeron a producir teóricamente al movimiento de pobladores en Chile y al de favelados en Brasil durante el siglo XX? Mediante la revisión crítica de las principales teorías que buscaron comprender la acción política de los pobres urbanos de Santiago de Chile y de Rio de Janeiro, este artículo busca mostrar la estrecha relación entre estos movimientos y la producción de las ciencias sociales, en la cual operaría una doble hermenéutica, es decir, un proceso de reflexividad mutuamente influyente, que eventualmente podría ayudar a la constitución y reconocimiento de los movimientos como tales. Esta investigación analiza cómo las ciencias sociales performan las luchas sociales que pretenden describir, en otras palabras, cómo ciertos contextos académicos interactúan positiva o negativamente con las disputas político-sociales generadas por los movimientos en cuestión. Para ello, se revisan las principales perspectivas que han estudiado la cuestión social urbana en la región: las teorías de la marginalidad, la urbanización dependiente, los movimientos sociales urbanos, la visión utilitaria y los nuevos movimientos sociales; mostrando cómo estas interpretaciones oscilaron entre el réquiem, el redescubrimiento y la negación de favelados y pobladores como movimientos sociales.
Water resources management and climate change represent two necessarily interdisciplinary topics in which the natural and social sciences must be integrated [1]. Although this nexus was generally overlooked in the accurate statistics and modelling literature by mostly focusing on understanding the natural processes, a paradigm shift is required to put social in the modelling loop [2]. Consequently, water domains (physical, social, political, and symbolic matters) should be entwined in research configurations by considering social learning, personal experience, observations, and human choices. As argued by [3], deepen social perception is fundamental for two main reasons: as a key component of the socio-political context and as the first step for behaviour transformation and attitude change. In this line, social and behavioural sciences have discussed associative processing methods, such as social surveys, to monitor the nature, extent, significance, and influence of personal experience regarding human-nature interactions [4]. Farmers develop their activity supporting the complexity of interrelated nature and human systems characterized by biophysical conditions and social behaviour [5]. Consequently, farmers are in a favourable position to provide first-hand observations and narratives of water resources availability and climate change perceived impacts [6]. Could social surveys contribute to deepening farmers' behaviour on water supply and climate change impacts while providing new social scenarios to advance understanding of data-mining, processing, and modelling of human-water systems? This contribution provides an upgraded and comprehensive overview of the social surveys added-value in building a methodological approach and defining an intellectual structure to monitoring farmers' behaviour on water-climate change nexus. The literature review will provide new insides to be discussed for policy formulation and implementation at the local and the regional scale. [1] G. Escribano-Francés, P. Quevauviller, E. San Martín González, and E. Vargas Amelin, Environmental Science and Policy 69, 1 (2017) [2] M. Giuliani, A. Castelletti, and C. Gandolfi, Water Resources Research 52: 6928 (2016) [3] L. Antronico, R. Coscarelli, F. De Pascale, and D. Di Matteo, Sustainability 12: 6985 (2020) [4] J.R. Marlon, S. van der Linden, P. Howe, A. Leiserowitz, S.H.L, Woo, and K. Broad, Journal of Risk Research 22: 936 (2018) [5] M. Abid, J. Scheffran, U.A. Schneider, and E. Elahi, Environmental Management 63: 110 (2019) [6] K. Talanow, E.N. Topp, J. Loos, and B. Martin-Lopez, Journal of Rural Studies 81: 203 (2021)
The Arctic represents a geographical region where political and economic interests of some countries conflict with global environmental concerns. However, the media are argued to misrepresent the complexity of Arctic issues. Journalists tend to frame the Arctic as a place of potential political conflicts, while the Arctic countries intend to preserve peace and cooperation, according to their official strategies. Covering scientifically complex issues, journalists might ignore scientific uncertainties, and frame scientific claims as uncertain. Media misrepresentation of scientific knowledge might happen for two reasons. First, contrasting values inherent to science, and journalism complicate scientist-journalist interaction. Second, both science and journalism experience intrusion of external interests, e.g. science might be forced to follow interests of stakeholders who fund scientific research, whereas journalism experience public expectations of discovering 'the truth'. To explore if scientists and journalists manage to remain objective in the changing conditions of their professions, this thesis analyses how constructed discourses on the Arctic influenced, and were influenced by, the norm of objectivity practiced among Norwegian scientists and journalists. This thesis combines Fairclough's (1992) three-dimensional framework, and Douglas' (2004) conceptual framework of objectivity. Fairclough's framework allows to conduct a comprehensive analysis of texts, text production, and social practice of journalistic reporting. Douglas' multifaceted understanding of objectivity helps this explorative study to accommodate diverse meanings of objectivity among scientists and journalists. This thesis analysed 26 newspaper articles published from 1 January 2018 to 31 October 2018 in four Norwegian newspapers. In addition, 5 individual semi-structured interviews with Norwegian scientists and journalists were conducted. This thesis concluded that the discourses emerging from the sampled articles, and the norm of objectivity have mutually influenced each other. Framing the scientific knowledge as well-established, and quoting only supporters of the global warming hypothesis allowed journalists to compromise convergent and concordant meanings of objectivity. However, a changing understanding of objectivity most likely developing among Norwegian journalists has also influenced the ways the discourses were constructed. If objectivity is traditionally understood as a balanced representation of proponents and opponents in one article, Norwegian journalists feel more comfortable with taking a stance on climate-change issues, believing that balance would be reached "over time". ; M-DS
Esse artigo propõe identificar os agentes pertencentes às elites tecnológicas locais e compreender suas relações de poder a respeito do desenvolvimento e processo decisório das Políticas de Ciência e Tecnologia, no município de São Carlos/SP. Para isso, faremos um levantamento bibliográfico a respeito das PCT e das elites locais, em específico as tecnológicas. Para melhor situar o leitor, resgatar sucintamente a história do município em questão. Três instituições serão analisadas: a Universidade Federal de São Carlos, Universidade de São Paulo e a Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, Ciência e Tecnologia de São Carlos. As duas primeiras, onde são formadas as elites tecnológicas e a terceira, onde essas elites atuam. Assim, se fará um levantamento do currículo profissional desses agentes, a partir da plataforma Lattes e também leis relacionadas à ciência e tecnologia para compreendermos quais grupos são contemplados na elaboração e decisão das PCT. Os conceitos de campo (político e científico) e capital social de Bourdieu nortearão a análise, posicionando as elites dentro do campo e as trocas de capitais envolvidos.Palavras-chaves: elites tecnológicas, políticas de ciência e tecnologia, campo político e científico, poder local.This article intends to identify the agents belonging to the local technological elites and to understand their relationships of power regarding the development and process decisório of the Politics of Science and Technology (PST), in the city of São Carlos / SP. For that, we will make a bibliographical rising regarding PST and the local elites, in specific the technological ones. To situate the reader, to rescue briefly the history of the city in subject. Three institutions will be analyzed: Universidade Federal de São Carlos, Universidade de São Paulo and the Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, Ciência e Tecnologia de São Carlos. The first two, where the technological elites are formed and the third, where those elites act. Therefore, it will be made a rising of those agents' professional curriculum, starting from the platform Lattes and also laws related to the science and technology for us to understand which groups are contemplated in the elaboration and decision of PST. The field (political and scientific) concepts and social capital of Bourdieu will orientate the analysis, positioning the elites inside of the field and the changes of involved capitals.Keywords: technological elites, politics of science and technology, political and scientific field, local power.
Este artículo pretende desarrollar una reflexión acerca del carácter necesariamente interdisciplinario del concepto "cultura de la legalidad" cuando se convierte en objeto de investigación en el campo de las ciencias sociales. Para argumentar esta postura se repasan en primer término las concepciones más importantes que al interior de las ciencias sociales se han construido sobre la interdisciplinariedad, tratando de diferenciarla del concepto de transdisciplinariedad, identificado con el paradigma del pensamiento complejo. Asimismo, se enfatiza la necesidad de mantener una relación constante entre la construcción teórica y la investigación empírica, valiéndome de los principios epistemológicos que al respecto desarrollara Jean Michel Berthelot. A continuación, se hace un breve repaso acerca de la manera en que la cultura de la legalidad es abordada desde las diferentes disciplinas como el derecho, la ciencia política, la sociología, la antropología, la historia y la reflexión que puede aportar la filosofía política. Finalmente, a partir de las reflexiones anteriores, se mencionan algunos criterios metodológicos para el estudio de la cultura de la legalidad en una zona del Estado de Veracruz, México. Palabras clave: Cultura de la legalidad, interdisciplinariedad, transdisciplinariedad, pluralismo legal y jurídico, márgenes del Estado. Abstract: This article aims to develop a reflection on the interdisciplinary nature of the concept "culture of legality" when it becomes the matter of social science research. My position is based, firstly, on the review of the main social sciences conceptions concerning interdisciplinarity, which I try to differentiate vis à vis the transdisciplinarity concept. It has been linked to the complex thinking. Also it has been emphasized the need to maintain a constant relation between theoretical construction and empiric research according to Jean Michel Berthelot´s epistemological principles. Next, I continue with a breve review of the culture of legality when it is treated by diverse academic disciplines such as Law, Political Science, Sociology or Anthropology, as well as the ideas provided by Political Philosophy. Finally, from previous reflections, some methodological approaches linked to the study of the culture of legality in a region of the State of Veracruz in Mexico are mentioned. Keywords: Culture of legality, Interdisciplinarity, Transdisciplinarity, Legal pluralism, State´s margins.
На основе нового корпуса эпистолярных источников из центральных архивов Российской Федерации восстановлен крымский период биографии светского философа, обществоведа и психолога, крупного организатора музейного дела Моисея Исааковича Даяна. Деятельность ученого раскрыта на фоне сложных научных, культурных, общественно-политических процессов, протекавших в СССР в 30-е годы ХХ века. ; Scientific biographies of some scientists, politicians and public figures could be forgotten for various reasons. Thus, in Russia in the 20th century, a large number of names have been erased from the memory of future generations and from the history of science for political reasons, especially in Stalin''s time. The subject of my study is Crimean period of scientific biography of the Soviet philosopher, social scientist and psychologist Moses I. Dayan (real name Moses Gintsburg), who was an organizer of the museum affair in the Sevastopol in 1930s. Key research methods used for these purposes are study of (archival) documents and their textual analysis in the framework of prosopographical approach. Based on the body of epistolary documents from the State archives of the Russian Federation, I reconstructed two episodes of Moses Dayan's life. The first one is the period of his revolutionary and publishing activity (as member of at first General Jewish Labor Bund and then Communist Party) in Feodosia (Crimea) during the Civil War. The second episode is Dayan's scientific and administrative work as Professor of Marxism-Leninism in Sechenov Institute for Physical Methods of Treatment (Sevastopol) and Director of Sevastopol Museum Association. Since Dayan supported Trotsky in 1924 in his conflict with Stalin, Dayan's academic and administrative career was interrupted by ideological reasons during the struggle against Trotskyism in 1935. The vicissitudes of dismissal of Professor Moses Dayan covered in detail in his letters to his friend and scientific protector Nikolai Morozov, Honorary Academician of Russian Academy of Sciences, and Director of the Lesgaft Institute of Natural Sciences (Leningrad). I paid special attention to the textual analysis of these letters. It allows me conclude that Prof. Dayan's leadership, organizational and methodological activity created favorable conditions for the development of fruitful scientific research and exposition activity of Sevastopol Museum Association in 1930s. On the contrary, Stalin's ideological cleansing and political repressions significantly reduced theoretical and practical potential of the museum building in the USSR in general and particularly in Crimea.
The history of Statistics teaching in Italy can be more easily understood remembering that at the beginning of the 1800's as well as after the 1815 Congress of Vienna, Italy was divided into many States. Therefore the teaching of Statistics developed in different ways in the Universities of the different States. In the initial phase (1811-1859) the teaching of Statistics started in the Law Faculties of Naples, Pavia and Padua Universities reflecting the earlier experiences of France and Austria in this field. In the following period (1859-1875) however an unexpected phenomenon manifested itself. Statistics began to be taught together with Geography in the Faculties of Philosophy and Letters within the Kingdom of Sardinia. As the political unity of Italy was gradually realized by the Kingdom of Sardinia, it was the above university organization of Statistics that expanded into the new born Kingdom of Italy. Scientific debate and concern about the linkage of Statistics to Geography accompanied this expansion. These difficulties were overcome in 1875 when the teaching of "Statistics" became mandatory in all Faculties of Law in the Italian Kingdom. From 1875 until 1923 Statistics continued to consolidate its position in the Faculties of Law and in the Superior Schools of Commerce. However the subject was not received with favour by jurists who felt that Statistics was not part of their discipline. On the other hand as the study of Statistical Methods developed, Italian Statisticians became increasingly conscious of the necessity that Statistics be taught not only in the Law Faculties, but also in other faculties. Between 1923 and 1930 Statistics left the Faculties of Law for its own autonomy. In 1927 the Schools of Statistics were created in Rome and Padua, and in 1936 the Faculty of Statistical, Demographically and Actuarial Sciences was officially founded in Rome where the School of Statistics was consequently abolished. The school offered a Diploma in Statistics and in addition the Faculty offered a Degree in Statistical and Demographically Sciences and a Degree in Statistical and Actuarial Sciences. Therefore the university teaching of Statistics in Italy, which at the begging of the 1800's originated and was inspired by the experience of other European countries with different political and cultural traditions, and which passed through many difficulties and provoked wide debate, was by the end of the 1930's organized in a way that has no parallel in other countries.
This study is about the French Food Safety Agency, a public institution which was created in 1998, after the so-called « mad cow crisis ». It aims at understanding the origins and the institutional design of the Agency, its organization and functioning, and its impact on food safety regulation. The creation of Afssa is analyzed as the institutionalization of a boundary-organization at the frontier of the two social worlds of politics and science, accountable to each other, involving the participation of actors from both worlds responsible for the management of the science-politics boundary. Using the sociological approach of organizational analysis, the thesis analyses the process by which Afssa has institutionalized itself as a scientific actor through a process of bureaucratization of expertise and also as a political actor, defending the values and interests of public health in the food safety regulation regime. We analyze the mechanisms, the effects and the contradictions of this institutionalization process in order to understand the nature and the scope of the institutional and political change of food risk regulation. ; La thèse porte sur l'Agence française de sécurité sanitaire des aliments, établissement public créé en 1998 suite à la crise de la vache folle. Elle cherche à comprendre d'où vient cette agence, pourquoi et comment elle a été créée, comment elle est organisée et comment elle fonctionne ainsi que l'impact de son action sur la régulation des risques alimentaires, entre 1998 et 2005. La question sociologique centrale est celle de l'institutionnalisation de cette nouvelle agence sanitaire, sous la forme d'une organisation-frontière, située à l'interface de la science et de l'action publique, redevable tant auprès de la communauté scientifique que de la communauté politique et devant gérer la frontière socialement construite entre ces deux mondes. En utilisant la démarche de la sociologie de l'action organisée, nous montrons comment l'Afssa s'est institutionnalisée à la fois comme une organisation scientifique, par un processus de bureaucratisation de l'expertise, et comme un acteur politique pleinement engagé dans la défense des valeurs et des intérêts de la sécurité sanitaire. La thèse analyse les mécanismes, les effets et les contradictions de ce processus d'institutionnalisation pour comprendre la nature et l'ampleur du changement qu'a entraîné l'Afssa en matière de régulation des risques alimentaires.
