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The dominant belief among both teachers and graduate students of political science seems to be that political theory constitutes the heart of their subject; yet political theory is not, in practice, the core of political science teaching. Such is the schizoid condition of political science and political scientists that is revealed by the investigations of the Committee for the Advancement of Teaching of the American Political Science Association. The hypothesis advanced in this note presents a dual reason for the unfortunate situation: it is partly that political theorists have failed to keep up with the times and have not engaged in sufficient value-free theoretical study of the raw data of politics, and partly that vast numbers of political scientists have falsely concluded that one of the most important parts of the traditional study of political theory—political ethics—is not susceptible of scientific treatment and should rigorously be eschewed.

Among political scientists, even among political theorists, there is a widespread conviction that political theory has entered upon a time of troubles. Few, however, regard it simply as a "dead dog," and political theorists continue, as they should, to administer critical self-analysis, and to define and defend their methodological and philosophical positions. The basis for a unity of opposites is still a subject for dispute. This paper is offered, not as a solution, but as a statement of one conception of the role of political theory.A time-honored technique of dialectic is to seek well-reasoned objections to the view one does not hold. A medicine often commended to the political scientists is a body of systematic, scientific theory akin to economic theory in approach and methodological sophistication. Accordingly, this article takes issue with that interpretation which conceives of political theory as, ideally, the master discipline whereby the science of politics is to be unified and systematized, and empirical investigation oriented and guided. A few definite and carefully developed proposals for reconstruction along these lines, familar to political scientists, are G. E. G. Catlin's The Science and Method of Politics, Harold D. Lasswell's and Abraham Kaplan's Power and Society, and David Easton's The Political System. These works can serve as an initial point of purchase for analysis and discussion.

Physics and politics; an application of the principles of natural science to political society, by Walter Bagehot -- History of the science of politics, by Frederick Pollock. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Includes: Constitution of the Canadian Political Science Association. ; Date from text. ; Cover title. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Bibliography: v. 1, p. 28; v.2, p.276; v.3, p. [530] ; Mode of access: Internet.

Binder's title. ; [1] Republican County Committee. Instructions for registration days. [1906]--[2] 27th Assembly District Republican Club. Constitution and by-laws.--[3] Securities Advertising Agency. Every American should know. [1904]--[4] Republican County Committee. Instructions for registration days. 1904.--[5] Facts and important utterances which should determine your choice for governor. [1906]--[6] Benefits to labor. [1906]--[7] Charles E. Hughes, the Republican candidate for governor of New York.--[8] Facts and figures concerning the government of the state of New York. [1906]--[9] Hughes, C.E., Mr. Hughes acceptance. 1906.--[10] Hearst, corporation man!--[11] Report of the Comittee on Politics in Penal and Charitable Institutions. 1902.--[12] Whitridge, F.W. Roosevelt or Parker.--[13] Union League Club of New York. Suffrage at the south.--[14] Zuigg, L.E. Speech as temporary chairman of the Republican state convention of New York. 1902.--[15] Sound currency, v. 9, no. 3. 1902.--[16] 27th Assembly District Republican Club. Sixth annual dinner. 1904.--[17] Republican Club of the city of New York. Report. 1902.--[18] Recent legislation on prevention and punishment of corrupt practices at elections.--[19] Hay, John. The Republican Party. 1904.--[20] Mains, W.C. The radical movement in the Democratic Party. 1901. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The departments of political science in America's colleges and universities are now numbered in the hundreds, their students in the tens of thousands. The variety of these departments is bewildering, differing as they do in size, curriculum, teaching methods, political complexion, aspirations, and even in name. It is no easy matter to discover what the fifty-man faculty in political science at Columbia and the one-man department of government at a California junior college have in common; yet one thing in common they certainly do have: the introductory course, and the complex problem which it presents.That the introductory course does present a major problem to departments of political science everywhere was clearly acknowledged by the program committee of the 1947 meeting of the American Political Science Association, when it scheduled a panel entitled "The Beginning Course in Political Science." The problem was further acknowledged by the panel itself; hardly a person of the many who took part in its proceedings, whether seated at the round-table or holding forth extemporaneously from the audience, failed to show some degree of candid dissatisfaction with the introductory course as presently conducted at his institution. Rare indeed is the department of political science which is willing to let its introductory course ride along through 1948 in the exact shape it assumed through 1947. The urge for improvement is nation-wide, and several prominent departments have gone so far as to relieve instructors of part of their normal teaching burden and commission them to work out definite programs of radical revision.

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The a priori basis on which this discussion rests is that individual human freedom is desirable. The defense of this thesis is not extensive nor profound-it is rather elementary and personal. There is a further assumption, for which limited historical argument is made, that freedom, the sine qua non of political life, is best achieved and cherished in the atmosphere of parliamentary democracy. There is recognition that such freedom is limited and controlled, but there is full acceptance that in degree it does and should exist. The argument then proceeds to the analysis of the essential element in a democratic system which makes even limited freedom possible. This element is compromise-accommodation. We are free not because we want others to be free but primarily because we can only achieve our own freedom and our own purposes by making agreements with others. ConHict of interests is the human condition-the peaceful conciliation of conHicts is the magnificent role of politics.