John Rawls’s concept of political liberalism provides new arguments in defi ningpolitical concept of justice. The issues of social inequality and distribution of goods insociety are put aside and in the political focus are the citizens who are in favor of differentphilosophical, moral and religious universal doctrines. The central issue which the conceptof political liberalism seeks to resolve is how is it possible for a society made up ofpluralism of different confronting universal doctrines to be well-ordered and stable. Thepaper focuses on essential elements of political liberalism whose aim is to regulate theplural coexistence of universal doctrines.
The paper explores Latour’s conception of political ecology and its theoretical and political implications. The first part of the paper shows Latour’s critique of theoretical frameworks of scientific and political practices, which, in his opinion, constrain a true discussion on ecological crises by simplifying them and putting them into readymade interpretative models. The second part of the paper examines the notions – the collective, representation, propositions, articulation, and parliament of things – central to understanding Latour’s idea of involvement of humans and non-humans in politics. Finally, the paper explores the potentials and constraints of Latour’s idea of political community of new political subjects (hybrid entities), which is constituted in controversies and through controversies.
Relevance of this research is based upon the fact that the position of the youth in the Republic of Srpska, in a broader sense, is inseparable from recent intense events in the society. The attention has focused on their basic needs (employment, housing, health, sport), what family they have and what kind of family they want, their continued economic dependence upon the family, socio-psychological characteristics and interests.The results of this study indicate the necessity of precisely designed and differentiated social support of all relevant factors, youth organizations, but also the need of Establishing and standardizing the new forms of work that will remove barriers for inclusion of the youth in development processes and accelerate the resolution of the most actual issues that complicate the situation among youth in the Republic of Srpska.Fundamental problems of young people within the Republic of Srpska are recognized, depressing status, unemployment, lethargy, the lack of information, laid out a system of values and a deficit in the process of standardization of youth work. To what extent young people in the Republic of Srpska are in the diabolic situation shows the Statistic that states that the two-thirds of young people want to leave the Republic of Srpska.
The author starts from the hypothesis that it is essential for the countries of the region to critically assess the synergy established between systemic, political corruption and a selectively weak, “devious” nature of the state. Moreover, the key dilemma is whether the expanded practice of political rent seeking supports the conclusion that the root of all corruption is in the very existence of the state – particularly in excessive, selective and deforming state interventions and benefits that create a fertile ground for corruption? The author argues that the destructive combination of weak government and rampant political corruption is based on scattered state intervention, while also rule the parties cartel in the executive branch subordinate to parliament, the judiciary and the police. Corrupt exchange takes place with the absence of strong institutional framework and the precise rules of the political and electoral games, control of public finances and effective political and anti-monopoly legislation and practice included. Exit from the current situation can be seen in the realization of effective anti-corruption strategy that integrates preventive and repressive measures and activities and lead to the establishment of principles of good governance.
The author intends to explore the relationships between liberalism and value pluralism in the political philosophy of Isaiah Berlin, who perceives the world as an intersection of political goals, goods and values. Such a context provides grounds for analysis of Berlin's criticism of political philosophies of monism and pluralism, forms of human freedom and being, logical and ontological structure of monism, theoretical and historical basis of pluralizam, nationalism and enlightenment criticism. ; Autor nastoji da istraži odnose između liberalizma i vrednosnog pluralizma u političkoj filozofiji Isaiah Berlina, koji svet razume kao ukrštanje političkih ciljeva, dobara i vrednosti. Takav kontekst obezbeđuje temelje za analizu Berlinovog kriticizma političkih filozofija monizma i pluralizma, oblika ljudske slobode i postojanja, logičke i ontološke strukture monizma, teorijske i povesne osnove pluralizma, nacionalizma i prosvetiteljskog kriticizma.
This paper analyzes the use of Croatian personal pronouns and possessive adjectives in two political speeches delivered by two politicians from ideologically different parties. This includes the distribution of linguistic units and the strategies by which the speakers change pronouns and their corresponding referents and polarize their speech. We also study whether the change of referents results in the manipulation of listeners, or in the emphasis of political authority, party adherence and patriotism and whether the pronominal use also refl ects certain political ideology. The methodology used in this paper relies on the analytical critical discourse analysis framework, which offers tools for a critical approach to discourse. The speech act theory and the politeness principle are also drawn upon. ; U ovome se radu bavimo analizom upotrebe ličnih i posvojnih zamjenica u dvama govorima dvaju političara iz ideološki različitih stranaka, njihovom distribucijom i načina na koji govornici prema potrebi govora izmjenjuju zamjenice i referente i polariziraju svoj izričaj. Također ćemo promotriti je li promjena referenata služi manipulaciji slušateljima, isticanju autoriteta, stranačke pripadnosti i nacionalnoga naboja i je li upotreba zamjenica reflektira određeni politički svjetonazor. Metodologija kojom ćemo se služiti u ovome istraživanju oslanja se na analitičke okvire teoretičara kritičke diskurzivne analize koja pruža instrumentarij za kritički pristup političkome diskursu. U analizi nam pomažu i pragmatičke teorije kao što su teorija govornih činova i Princip uljudnosti.
The paper deals with the issue of Spinoza’s Political treatise referring especially to his understanding of political rights of citizens. This includes clarification of the meaning of the term citizen, in relation to the categories of people he considers non-citizens or derived citizens. The authoress focuses on feminist positioning of this problem in Spinoza’s philosophy, and attempts to develop a feminist interpretation through intersection of concepts such as gender, class and race. This implies a different epistemological and methodological approach to this issue and its extension to the groups of people that Spinoza denies citizenship status – therefore the feminist analysis includes the analysis of status of women, slaves and servants who work as slaves for a living. It will be explained that Spinoza’s views are the result of his concept of natural law as a power or force, as well as his apprehension of political substance regarding the factual situation and experience. Throughout the analysis of the historical situation in Netherlands at that time, which was among other things marked by the slave trade from Africa, the authoress tries to clarify the last paragraph of the Political treatise. ; Tema rada je Spinozino delo Politički traktat, s posebnim fokusom na njegovo poimanje političkih prava građana. To uključuje i rasvetljavanje značenja termina građanin u odnosu na kategorije ljudi koje on razmatra kao ne-građane ili kao derivirane građane. Autorka usmerava interes na feminističko situiranje ovog problema kod Spinoze, i pokušava da izgradi feminističku interpretaciju kroz presek pojmova kao što su rod, klasa i rasa. To podrazumeva i drugačiji epistemološko-metodološki pristup ovom pitanju i njegovo proširenje na druge grupacije kojima Spinoza odriče građanski status – robove, sluge koji se izdržavaju nekim ropskim poslom i žene. U radu će biti prikazano da Spinozini stavovi proizilaze iz njegovog koncipiranja prirodnog prava kao moći, odnosno sile, kao i promišljanja bića političkog iz postojećeg stanja, odnosno iskustva. Autorka pokušava da kroz analizu tadašnjih istorijskih prilika u Holandiji, koje su, između ostalog, obeležene trgovinom robovima iz Afrike, razjasni poslednji paragraf Političkog traktata.
The paper deals with description and drawing up an inventory concerning one concept– globalization. Following the argumentation given by philosopher and sociologist FredricJameson, the analysis tries to delineate fi ve separate forms of its phenomenology. These formsare: technological, political, cultural, economic and social. The fi nal intention is, therefore, indeterminination and shaping of political strategies confronted to globalization. For that purpose,forms of possible »social cohesion« are detected. Finally, the »fi eld of Utopia« is formed, wherethe identifi cation of social collectivity takes place, as the core of innovative political answer toglobalization. ; Izlaganje se bavi deskripcijom i inventurom višeznačja jednog termina – globalizacije.Slijedeći argumentaciju što ju nudi fi lozof i sociolog Fredric Jameson, pokušava se ocrtatipet odvojenih oblika njezine pojavnosti. Ti su oblici: tehnologijski, politički, kulturalni, ekonomskii društveni. Konačna je, pak, namjera da se pokuša odrediti i oblikovati političke strategijeotpora globalizaciji. U tu se svrhu detektiraju oblici moguće »socijalne kohezije«. Na koncu,oblikuje se »polje utopijskog«, u kojemu se identifi cira društveni kolektivitet kao središte inovativnogpolitičkog odgovora na globalizaciju.
Стојановић, Јелица (2011), На путевима српског језика и ћирилице, Никшић: Издавачки центар Матице српске Друштва чланова Црне Горе. ; Стојановић, Јелица (2011), На путевима српског језика и ћирилице, Никшић: Издавачки центар Матице српске Друштва чланова Црне Горе.
Following the new reading of Kant’s third critique, which was proposed by Hannah Arendt in her Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy, in this paper, the author deals with the function of art in the establishment, organization and profiling of political communities. The focus is primarily on the field of music. The analysis begins with ancient philosophers (Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle) and continues with the problems which relate to artistic shaping of citizens’ lives in modern epoch (Rousseau, Kant, Schiller). The goal of the paper is to show that the philosophy of art and the philosophy of music, could be taken as a political philosophy, precisely because the analysis of these phenomena constantly convinces a close intertwining of politics and aesthetics, i.e. art and power, music and power. As a conclusion, we might say that a general aesthetic sense can be seen as a kind of human organ for public aesthetic gathering of citizens. Music, poetry, visual arts, etc., have become tools for the political shaping of citizens, i.e. the tools of their political life.
In this paper, the author examine the topic of suicide terrorists as the most radical form of terrorism. On the example of suicide bombers, the reasons for resorting to terrorism were explained, as well as the most optimal ways of eliminating or at least reducing this threat. The analyses often state that the main motives of suicide bombers are rewards in heaven or economic benefit or family’s persuasion, but we believe that this explanation is too simplistic. I will prove that the main motive is the lack of sense of purpose in life, dehumanization of man, human activities, and different cultures.