By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. .
Tenth elections for the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia since the reestablishment of a multiparty system were held on March 16th, 2014, under a proportional electoral system. Electoral model essentially established in 2000 also included a single electoral district, closed party lists, five percent electoral threshold for non-minority parties and a use of D'Hondt formula for distribution of seats. Most important results of the March elections include: the lowest voter turnout and close to half of the votes won by the Serbian Progressive Party (which, in turn, gave them 63% of parliament members). Moreover, more than 80 percent of the seats was won by lists led by governing parties, i. e. Progressive or Socialist party. Elections were also not just a disaster for Democratic party, but also for Democratic Party of Serbia, Liberal Democratic Party, and United Regions of Serbia, which all lost seats in the National Assembly. Traditional success of the minority parties of most numerous national minorities (i.e. Hungarians, Bosniaks and Albanians) was noted. Also, for the first time, the parliament will convene without so-called sovereignists and opponents of European integration process. Finally, March elections were marked by a large number of squandered votes.
Despite the progress in all fields, modern society is facing the development of the means of political violence. Technological development also has its dangerous side. Many researches in the field of science are often carried out for the sake of military needs, and scientific researchers are often misused in military purpose. Political violence represents one of the greatest threats for the democratic development and human rights in contemporary society. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the position of political violence in contemporary society, particularly focusing on its covert use by the great powers, which is often justified by the struggle for democracy and achieving human rights. In that sense this paper is divided into two parts. The first part analyzes the globalization process, underling that this process has double face, whose negative side can significantly contribute to the spread of political violence. In the second part the author deals with the relations between policy and violence in contemporary society. The paper underlines the need for critical approach to political violence. This critical approach is crucial for understanding of political violence which is the first step in the fight against it. Political violence is not always negative and sometimes can have a positive role, especially when it comes to defensive war and combating terrorism. But the main problem here is that this can be misused to justify political violence in general. What is positive and what is the negative role of political violence often depends on the perspective of observation. Unfortunately, it seems that the privilege to enforce the standard today is reserved only for great powers, and they have become main judges who decide when political violence is to be approved of or not. This is the way in which a war becomes humanitarian interventions, protection of human rights, etc. That is why it is of great importance to encourage and initiate all actions in science which aim to understand and counter this complex phenomenon.
The migrant crisis that Europe has been facing for many years has triggered an avalanche of xenophobia and the dispersion of anti-migrant sentiments that have become the reference matrix for populist discourse. Anti-migrant discourse emerges in parallel as a form of language use and a form of social and political interaction. The antagonistic stereotypical narrative of migrants begins with the thesis that they constitute a retrograde social group that poses an economic and security threat to the natives and which is not capable of culturally assimilating in the countries of transit and destination (dichotomy Us vs. Them). Spreading anti-migrant discourse becomes a strategy for winning the electorate and an important tool for mobilizing political support. The political engineering of European political parties shows that anti-migrant discourse is not the exclusivity of right-wing parties of the political spectrum (although they are the most closely related), but is becoming an increasingly important topic on the political agenda of left-wing populism. Anti-migrant discourse is reflected through a nationalist and hostile approach to immigration, the glorification of national and sovereign narratives, and hostility to neoliberalism. Anti-migrant narratives have found their footing in the political activities of many European parties that are largely sovereignly profiled. Such a political vault of reasoning transforms migrant into a foreigner and attest on the triumph of communitarianism in regards to cosmopolitanism, which makes the EU's slogan "in varietate concordia" (united in diversity) questionable and subject to deconstruction.
The subject matter of research in this paper is theoretical controversy related to the definition of right-wing extremism. Given the fact that extremism is a variable, amorphous and insufficiently researched phenomenon, largely conditioned by time, space, political and cultural differences, there is a great confusion in the field of political science when defining right-wing extremism. The problem of researching right-wing extremism is additionally complicated by various terms that are being used in the contemporary literature as its synonyms, such as right-wing radicalism, neo-Fascism, ultra-radicalism, etc. In order to provide the most valid theoretical determination of right-wing extremism, the author provides a detailed analysis of all the components constituting this phenomenon and examines their causality. In the political praxis, the term extremism is extensively abused, which additionally complicates its determination. Videlicet, politicians often use term 'extremist' in order to discredit their political opponents. While during the French revolution aristocracy saw the bourgeoisie as extremists, the members of the working class later stated that the bourgeoisie were extremists. The problem lies in the fact that, in politics, extremists are not only the ones who use violence as modus operandi; indeed, it is also used by political opponents who do not belong to the extreme political option. Another aggravating factor in defining right-wing extremism is that many administrative and academic definitions do not make a clear distinction between extremism and related phenomena, such as terrorism, radicalism and populism. Extremism is most often equaled with terrorism, which gives rise to another problem in defining this phenomenon. The relation between extremism and terrorism is the relation of general and specific. Namely, every act of terrorism is concurrently considered to be an act of extremism, but not vice versa, given the fact that every act of extremism does not lead towards a higher level of political violence (i.e. towards terrorism). Even in the terms of legal sanctioning, it is much easier to incriminate terrorism in comparison to extremism. The Serbian criminal legislation envisages relevant punishment for committing an act of terrorism, without even mentioning extremism, which implies that there is no penalty prescribed for committing an act of extremism. Despite numerous academic and administrative definitions on the concept of extremism, there is still a lack of a balanced approach to defining right-wing extremism, which is also largely conditioned by political definitions. The most prominent problem in addressing the social phenomena such as right-wing extremism lies in the fact that these social phenomena are dynamic and, in order to be analysed in a scientifically objective manner, they must be examined in the specific temporal, spatial and socio-political context.
This article presents a brief and critical review of current research of political representation of women. Is the number of women in political institutions represents the indicator of development of democratic society and what influences the increase of number of women active participants in the political institutions? Different approaches to the definition and types of political representation are examined, with special emphasis on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation. The effects of various political factors that determine the presence of women in institutions are considered - the electoral system, the internal organization of parties, selection and recruitment, intra-party rules and lobbying, party magnitude, open/closed electoral lists, voting behavior and the quota system. The results of a large number of studies in this field are compared, with particular reference to the current representation theory - the critical mass, supply and demand, political presence, strategic partnership and critical actors.
This article presents a brief and critical review of current research of political representation of women. Is the number of women in political institutions represents the indicator of development of democratic society and what influences the increase of number of women active participants in the political institutions? Different approaches to the definition and types of political representation are examined, with special emphasis on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation. The effects of various political factors that determine the presence of women in institutions are considered - the electoral system, the internal organization of parties, selection and recruitment, intra-party rules and lobbying, party magnitude, open/closed electoral lists, voting behavior and the quota system. The results of a large number of studies in this field are compared, with particular reference to the current representation theory - the critical mass, supply and demand, political presence, strategic partnership and critical actors.
Measuring the quality of political regimes is a field that occupies a traditional place in statistical studies that have the subject of studying the characteristics of the political system as an important segment of the explanation of the behavior of states in international relations. In a desire for a comprehensive and complete spatial and temporal interaction, researchers seek to classify data categories through an extremely complex set that represents the starting point for further research. The aim of this article is a comparative overview of the most used quantitative instruments of the level of the political regime. In addition, the author points to the advantages or limitations of certain databases. The subject of the comparative presentation are the following databases: Polity IV, Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy-LIED, Authoritarian Regime Dataset, Varieties of Democracy, and other data sets relevant to statistical testing. In addition, the author presents the problems that researchers in security studies meet in "measuring" the level of the political regime, that is, quantifying the relationship between democracy and autocracy. The method of descriptive statistics will be used in order to present the most important statistical cross-sections of the instruments used in modern research.
The Paper observes the foundation and development of OSCE as the most important contemporary security organization from the perspective of historical and political dynamics and the interests of international subjects. Originally founded as Forum for the reduction of tensions between ideologically confronted East and West, OSCE (than: CSCE) has evolved into permanent security organization with diversified activities and jurisdictions. However, that evolution failed to be up to the new challenges, so the needs for further reforms of OSCE reemerged. Second part of the Paper follows the propositions of OSCE system reforms, made by its member states, by Panel (formed on Council of Ministers in Sofia, in December 2004) and by Russia that has even proposed 'Agreement of European security' as the basis for completely new remaking of European security out of the existing OSCE system. In the final part of the Paper, influences of contemporary political crises in OSCE member states on the possible reform of this security organization are being analyzed.
The term politics, from its origin until nowadays, has been closely related to coercion and effects of coercion. The first rulers were finding support in a belief in the divine nature of power, but since, in time, this belief faded, the solution was found in physical superiority of rulers. The development of politics as an activity by which a community can be governed instrumentally, conditioned its closer linkage to force. Politics was sometimes identified with force, and sometimes politics was using force as an instrument for taming the bullying by others. Undoubtedly, the man is a rational and instinctive being. Monopolization of bullying within political activity made it possible to place the force, depending on the circumstances, into the service of one or the other attribute of human nature. Integration processes in political, economic, military and other areas, significantly contributed to changing the role of a national state in its formerly inviolable spheres, even in those elements that are considered classic attributes of the state as an institution (sovereignty, independence, monetary policy, defense, state power legitimacy, etc). Does this power, which is 'taken away' from the national state, go away, through integrative processes with other international subjects, to some distant power and alienated centers, or does it, on the contrary, enter the corpus of political activity that strengthens its overall position? Without immersing into more profound analysis about what is closer to the truth, it is a fact that through integrative processes a number of 'state' activities is transferred to joint institutions. In the spirit of this paper, the most important institutions are those which decide about organization, preparing, functioning, and using of the state (interstate) power. Strategic solutions concerning these matters, are a part of domestic and intergovernmental policy. They are products of a great number of internal and external factors, starting from economic and institutional, to social and cultural-traditional, and to international.
The article presents a critical overview of underlying ideas, social context, and original teachings of two "mediating ideologies" (social democracy and conservatism) and two mass "political phenomena" (nationalism and populism). Each of them constitutes a form of more or less effective political compromise, which ought to neutralize constant tensions and clashes between the leading modern ideologies of freedom and equality, i.e. liberalism and communism. However, the clash of ideologies which were prominent in the 19th and 20th centuries has lost much of its intensity today, although the social causes that gave rise to them have remained unchanged: social inequalities, abuse of freedom, and uneven distribution of social power. At the same time, the main social forces and political organizations that had been the symbols and striking forces of freedom and equality in the preceding decades - the political parties of the "left " and "right", including the never clearly defined "political center" - also lost their identity and power. Th e then political mortal enemies look and behave today almost exactly as they did then: in the ideological sense, "everyone wants everything" (allegedly representing/ defending the interests of "all citizens"); in the organizational sense, there is almost no difference between them; whereas the difference in the manner they behave when in power is almost negligible.
The aim of this study was to determine whether there is a difference between female abstinents in Bosnia and Herzegovina in terms of certain demographics (age, education, rural-urban, party and ethnicity) and socio-psychological characteristics (interest in politics, the ways of getting their information about politics, trust in institutions, dogmatism, nationalism, cosmopolitanism, the end justifies the means, the attitude towards the leader, conservatism, liberalism and authoritarianism). The study was conducted in the first half of March 2013, on a sample of 483 adult women who did not plan to vote in the upcoming elections, who in the past six years (three election cycles) either voted occasionally, or they voted, but have no intention of voting again, or they have never voted. We started from the assumption that the different modes of political abstinence differ with respect to the measured variables. The results show that the three categories of women abstinents differ in terms of certain socio-demographic variables: age, education, ethnicity, party affiliation and religious beliefs. There are differences among respondents concerning political interests. The greatest interest was found among the respondents who manipulate their turning out to the polls, followed by those who were disappointed in the elections, while the slightest interest in politics was among the respondents who have never voted. Television is still the dominant medium for getting information about political events, the second and third ones are newspapers and radio, but they are much less influential. Yet among the three categories of women abstinents significant differences were found only regarding television and radio. Three categories of women abstinents differ only in cosmopolitanism and liberalism variables. There is a difference between women abstinents in their confidence in institutions. The most trust in institutions is found in women who occasionally took part in the elections, followed by those who voted, but no longer do so. The least trust in institutions is found among women who have never voted. ; Cilj ovog istraživanja je ustanoviti da li postoji razlika među apstinenticama u Bosni i Hercegovini prema određenim demografskim (starost, obrazovanje, selo-grad, stranačka i etnička pripadnost) i socio-psihološkim karakteristikama (zainteresovanost za politiku, način informisanja o politici, povjerenje u institucije, dogmatizam, nacionalizam, kosmopolitizam, cilj opravdava sredstvo, odnos prema vođi, konzervativizam, konzervativistička autoritarnost i liberalizam). Istraživanje je provedeno u prvoj polovini marta 2013. godine na uzorku od 483 punoljetne žene koje ne planiraju da glasaju na predstojećim izborima, a koje su u posljednjih šest godina (tri izborna ciklusa) nekad glasale, a nekad ne, glasale su, ali više neće, ili nikad nisu glasale. Pošli smo od pretpostavke da će različiti modaliteti političke apstinencije da se razlikuju s obzirom na mjerene varijable. Dobijeni rezultati pokazuju da se tri kategorije apstinentica razlikuju po pojedinim sociodemografskim varijablama: starost, obrazovanje, etnička i stranačka pripadnost i vjerska ubjeđenja. Ispitanice se međusobno razlikuju i zainteresovanošću za politiku. Najveće interesovanje nalazimo kod ispitanica koje manipulišu svojim izlaskom na izbore, a slijede one koje su se razočarale u izbore, dok je zainteresovanost za politiku najmanja kod ispitanica koje uopšte ne glasaju na izborima. Televizija je još uvijek dominantan medij za informisanje o političkim dešavanjima, dok su na drugom i trećem mjestu dnevne novine i radio, ali su znatno manje uticajni. Ipak, između tri kategorije apstinentica nalazimo značajne razlike samo kod televizije i radija. Tri kategorije apstinentica se međusobno razlikuju samo po varijablama kosmopolitizam i liberalizam. Prisutna je i razlika između apstinentica po njihovom povjerenju u institucije. Najviše povjerenja u institucije nalazimo kod ispitanica koje nekad izlaze, a nekad ne izlaze na izbore, slijede ispitanice koje su glasale, ali više neće. Najmanje povjerenja u institucije nalazimo kod ispitanica koje nikad ne glasaju.
Teza se bavi ispitivanjem uticaja sadržaja i sponzorstva negativnih političkih reklamnih poruka na stavove mladih glasača u Srbiji prema političkim kandidatima koji su meta ili sponzor tih poruka, zavisno od trajne i situacione političke involviranosti glasača i stepena njihove potrebe za kognicijom. Problem je razmatran u svetlu Teorije verovatnoće obrade. Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati uticaje navedenih varijabli na stavove glasača prema sponzoru i meti negativne reklame, kao i na pojavu tzv. bumerang-efekta, nepovoljnijeg stava prema političkom kandidatu kada je sponzor negativne nego kada je sponzor pozitivne reklame. Izvedene su tri eksperimentalne studije: dvofaktorski mešoviti nacrt (situaciona involviranost, valenca poruke), jednofaktorski nacrt sa ponovljenim merenjima (sponzorstvo), i trofaktorski mešovit nacrt (situaciona politička involviranost, sadržaj poruke, sponzorstvo). Utvrđeno je da se u populaciji mladića studenata u Srbiji javlja bumerang-efekat. Efekti negativnih političkih reklama zavise značajno od trajne i situacione političke involviranosti, kao i od redosleda izlaganja poruka, sadržaja i sponzora reklamnih poruka, ali ne i od potrebe za kognicijom. Nalazi ukazuju na to da je upotreba negativnih političkih reklama neopravdana iz psihološke i šire društvene perspektive, osim pod posebnim uslovima. Objašnjavanjem psiholoških procesa pri izloženosti individua političkim reklamama, istraživanje direktno potvrđuje postulate Teorije verovatnoće obrade i njenu prediktivnost u oblasti političkog marketinga, na uzorku u Srbiji. Doprinos ove disertacije ogleda se i u tome što je ovo jedna od početnih studija istraživanja fenomena negativnih političkih reklama u Srbiji i psiholoških reakcija jednog segmenta glasača u Srbiji na njih ; The thesis examines the effect of the content and sponsorship of negative political advertising messages on the attitudes of young voters in Serbia towards political candidates who are the target or the sponsor of these messages, depending on the enduring and situational political involvement of voters and the level of their need for cognition. The issue has been considered in the light of Elaboration Likelihood Model. The aim of the research was to examine the effects of the mentioned variables on the attitudes of voters towards the sponsor and the target of negative advertisement, as well as on the occurrence of the so-called backlash effect, a less favorable attitude towards a political candidate being a sponsor of negative advertisement in comparison with himself being a sponsor of a positive advertisement. Three experimental studies have been carried out: two factor mixed design (situational involvement, message valence), single factor repeated measures design (sponsorship), and three factor mixed design (situational political involvement, message content, sponsorship). It has been determined that a backlash effect occured in population of young students in Serbia. The effects of negative political advertisements depend significantly on enduring and situational political involvement, as well as of the order of display of messages, content and sponsors of messages, but not on the need for cognition. The findings indicate that the use of negative political advertisements is not justified from a psychological and broader social perspective, except under special conditions. By explaining the psychological processes of individuals being exposed to political advertising messages, the research directly confirms the postulates of Elaboration Likelihood Model and its predictiveness in the field of political marketing, on a sample in Serbia. The contribution of this dissertation is also reflected in the fact that this is one of the initial research studies into the phenomenon of negative political advertisements in Serbia and psychological reactions of one segment of voters in Serbia to them
Yugoslav programme made Serbia eliminate the idea of Great Serbia. By the combination of subsequent events, Russia's withdrawal from the war, and political decisions, Versailles peace conference, such idea would be hardly achieved. Regarding Yugoslav programme 'The allies were not delighted too much about the perspective which would be borne by this plan achievement. They had not even been delighted by the idea of Habsburgs Monarchy overthrow so that they did not approve it until the middle of 1918'. Nevertheless, it may be concluded that the basis of the idea of Great Serbia in the warrior period 1914-1918 makes the 'Annexation of all those areas which were Serbian from ethnical point of view. Parts of Austria-Hungary (Bosnia and Herzegovina, part of southern Adriatic coast, part of Banat, Srem, Bačka, and Slavonia) were primarily in question; later on it is diminished only to Bosnia and Herzegovina and part of the coast, but it is enlarged by annexation of Montenegro'. By combination of historical events, and influence of public and secret centres of world power it was not realized; the creation called The Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenians, that is The Kingdom of Yugoslavia later on was created, where disintegrative factors overcame integrative ones, and the idea of Great Serbia remained any further actual with some political forces inside Serbian people as the unification of all ethnical Serbian areas within Yugoslavia.
Ekološke i klimatske promene na planeti postoje koliko i sama planeta, a čovek se od svog postanka prilagođavao ovim promenama. Jedan od načina adaptacije jesu migracije stanovništva u potrazi za hranom, boljim uslovima života i prijatnijim vremenskim uslovima za život. Posebnu pažnju u poslednjoj deceniji izazivaju takozvane ekološke izbeglice. Faktori sredine su oduvek pokretači ljudskih kretanja, a sa porastom svesti o promenama koje se dešavaju u prirodnoj sredini i aktuelnog problema klimatskih promena povećalo se interesovanje za moguće obrasce po kojima će se odvijati kretanja u budućnosti. U ovoj doktorskoj disertaciji ćemo se baviti uzrocima nastanka ekoloških katastrofa, njihovim političkim, ali i drugim posledicama. Takođe ćemo proučiti migracije stanovništva koje nastaju pod uticajem ekoloških katastrofa. Uticaj čoveka na promenu uslova života vrlo je veliki, a stepen uticaja se povišavao zajedno sa razvojem civilizacije, kako u pozitivnom tako i u negativnom smislu. Čovek je uspeo da veliki deo prirode vremenom potčini svojim potrebama, što je dovelo i do kumulativnog efekta u vidu neželjenih posledica za životnu sredinu u formi prirodnih i tehnološki prouzrokovanih katastrofa. Uvodna razmatranja u doktorskoj disertaciji biće posvećena globalnom problemu zagađenja životne sredine, ekološkim katastrofama okvirno i problemu migracija, a u prvom delu će biti razrađen metodološki okvir po kojem će se odvijati istraživanje. Drugi deo teze odnosiće se na teorijski okvir istraživanja, sa akcentom na pojmovnom definisanju ekoloških katastrofa uopšte, njihovim potencijalnim uzrocima i posledicama kroz istoriju čovečanstva, kao i uticaju ekoloških katastrofa na pokretanje migracije stanovništva. Treći deo doktorske teze obuhvataće problem miigracija, teorijsko određenje, komparativnu analizu uslova pod kojima su nastale najveće migracije pokrenute ekološkim katastrofama u svetu, političke, socijalne, kulturalne i ekonomske posledice kakve su nastupile u zemljama koje su naselili ljudi izbegli sa tih područja. Četvrti deo ove teze odnosiće se na pripremljenost Evrope za slučaj iznenadne ekološke katastrofe, sa akcentom na empirijskom istraživanju uticaja trenutne krize sa izbeglicama iz severne Afrike, na Evropu kao krajnje odredište ljudi koji napuštaju svoje domove zbog nemogućih uslova za život, politiku koju sprovodi Evropska unija prema izbeglicama; nastale i očekivane političke, socijalne, ekonomske i kulturološke posledice ove tzv. "migrantske krize". Dobijeni podaci će se analizirati i poslužiti u izvođenju zaključaka iz rezultata empirijskog istraživanja. U petom delu ćemo razmatrati uslove pod kojima može doći do pojave konflikta na teritoriji koju naseljavaju imigranti. Šesti deo će sadržati predlog modela za rešavanje tekuće migrantske krize, a sedmi će sadržati istraživanje o tome koliko je javnost uopšte upoznata sa terminologijom i problemima kojima se bavimo u ovoj doktorskoj disertaciji, kao i odnosu javnosti prema trenutnoj situaciji sa migrantima. U osmom delu biće izneta sistematizovana zaključna razmatranja o onome što smo utvrdili i šta smo postigli izradom ove teze. ; Environmental and climate change on the Earth is as old as the planet itself, but the man from its inception adapted to these changes. One way of adapting to these changes is the migration of people in search of food, better living conditions and pleasant weather circumstances for life. A special attention in the last decade has been devoted to so-called environmental refugees. Environmental factors have always triggered human movement, with increasing awareness of the changes that occur in the natural environment and the current problems of climate change, which has increased interest in possible patterns of movement that will take place in the future. In this doctoral thesis we deal with the causes of ecological disasters, but also their political and other consequences. We will also study the migration of population that occured under the influence of environmental disasters. The impact of man on the changing conditions of life is high and the degree of influence has evolved along with the development of civilization, both in a positive and in a negative way. The man managed to a large part of nature eventually submit to its needs, which led to a cumulative effect in the form of adverse consequences for the environment in the form of natural and technological disasters. Preliminary thoughts in this doctoral dissertation will be devoted to the global problem of environmental pollution, ecological disasters framework, and the problem of migration, and in part one the methodological framework will be worked out according to which the research will take place. The second part of the thesis refers to the theoretical framework of research with emphasis on the conceptual definition of ecological disasters in general, their potential causes, and consequences throughout the history of mankind, as well as the impact of environmental disasters on the launch of the migration of the population. The third part of the doctoral thesis will include migration problem, theoretical determination, a comparative analysis of the conditions under which they incurred the largest migration initiated environmental disasters in the world, political, social, cultural and economic consequences that followed in countries that are settled people fled from those areas. The fourth part of this thesis will relate to the preparation of Europe in case of sudden environmental disasters, with an emphasis on empirical study of the impact of the current crisis with refugees from the Northern Africa to Europe as the final destination of people who leave their homes because of the impossible conditions of life, the policy implemented by the European Union for refugees; incurred and expected political, social, economic and cultural consequences of this so-called "Migrant crisis". The data will be analyzed and used in the performance of drawing conclusions from the results of empirical research. In the fifth section, we discuss the conditions under which a conflict may occur on the territory inhabited by immigrants. The sixth part will contain a model for resolving the current crisis, migrant, a seventh part will include research abou how much the general public is familiar with the terminology and the problems we deal with in this dissertation, as well as public attitudes towards the current situation with migrants. In the eighth part there will be presented systematized concluding observations about what we have established and what we have achieved by doing this thesis.
