Suchergebnisse

This work focuses on the development of the Eurosceptic movement in three core countries: France, Italy and the United Kingdom. These nations have been characterized by a growth in the Eurosceptic idea, which culminated with the creation of new parties or with the modification of old ones, whose aim is to develop an anti-European propaganda. The most significant of these new political forces is represented by the United Kingdom Independence Party, which, with its Eurosceptic emotional discourse, has been instrumental in bringing the anti-EU sentiment in the UK to the top, till the final success of the so-called Brexit. In Italy, the Eurosceptic crusade is led by the Lega Nord, that modified its anti-Italian and regionalist discourse into an anti-European and anti-immigration one, and by the newly formed Movimento 5 Stelle. In France, the Front National is the most significant party that displays Eurosceptic sentiments, also due to its anti-immigrant and populist appeal to the masses. The emphasis of the work is put on the 2014 European Parliament elections and on how the Eurosceptic discourse of the above-mentioned parties influenced the political discourse of the old ones and the results of the elections. The empirical part of this work is conducted through a content analysis of the electoral manifestos developed for the 2014 consultation. The work is divided as it follows: in the first chapter, there is an excursus on the theory developed by numerous scholars on the Eurosceptic phenomenon and on the most important definitions to consider. Then, the work focuses on the peculiarities of each of the three nations' party system. In these chapters, there is a dissertation on the diachronic development of the Eurosceptic discourse in the party system and a discussion on the content analysis of the parties' European manifestos.

The study aims to underline the main aspects which mark, by similarity or by difference, the constitutional framework of two forms of association which, during the republican public life, often have shown contact points or even overlapping points: political parties and workers unions. In this perspective, starting from the examination of the articles 39 and 49 Const., the essay highlights the characteristics of the rights contained therein, as well as the different meaning that the concept of "implementation" can take with respect to each of them; on this last point, after noting how in both cases a supplementary and detailed intervention of the ordinary legislator is lacking and fragmentary, it investigates the reasons and it underlines the consequences. From all of the previous considerations, finally, the authoress draws some quick concluding observations, in which, among other things, it is stressed that the inability of the provisions contained in the last paragraphs of the art. 39 on collective labor agreements to establish themselves on the floor of the concrete life of the legal system, leaves more space to the assumptions and the wishes of their overall rethinking. ; Lo studio si propone di evidenziare i principali tratti che contraddistinguono, per similitudine o per differenza, la disciplina costituzionale di due forme associative che, nello svolgimento della vita pubblica repubblicana, hanno sovente mostrato punti di contatto o addirittura di sovrapposizione: partiti politici e sindacati dei lavoratori. In questa prospettiva, a partire dalla disamina degli artt. 39 e 49 Cost., si evidenziano le caratteristiche tipiche dei diritti in essi contenuti, nonché il diverso significato che il concetto di "attuazione" è suscettibile di assumere con riguardo a ciascuno di essi; a quest'ultimo riguardo, dopo aver constatato come in entrambi i casi sia carente e frammentario l'intervento integrativo e specificativo del legislatore ordinario, se ne indagano le ragioni e se ne rimarcano le conseguenze. Dall'insieme delle considerazioni svolte, infine, si traggono alcune rapide osservazioni conclusive nelle quali, tra l'altro, si sottolinea come l'incapacità delle previsioni contenute negli ultimi commi dell'art. 39 sui contratti collettivi di lavoro di affermarsi sul piano della concreta vita dell'ordinamento, lasci sempre più spazio alle ipotesi e agli auspici di un loro complessivo ripensamento. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wskazanie głównych cech charakterystycznych, podobieństw i różnic, konstytucyjnego uregulowania dwóch form zrzeszeń: partii politycznych i związków zawodowych, które w państwie republikańskim nie tylko mają ze sobą styczność, ale działają często wręcz w tych samych obszarach. Z tej perspektywy Autorka dokonuje analizy artykułów 39 i 49 Konstytucji Włoskiej, zwracając uwagę na cechy charakterystyczne zawartych w nich praw, a także na odmienne znaczenie koncepcji "realizacji prawa", jakie może przyjmować w odniesieniu do każdego z nich; w tej ostatniej kwestii, po stwierdzeniu jak lakoniczna i fragmentaryczna jest w obu przypadkach integrująca i uszczegóławiająca interwencja ustawodawcy, Autorka bada przyczyny i wynikające z takiego stanu rzeczy konsekwencje. Z ogółu przeprowadzonych rozważań Autorka wyciąga wnioski końcowe, w których między innymi podkreśla problem urzeczywistnienia postanowień zawartych w ostatnim ustępie art. 39 w odniesieniu do zbiorowych układów pracy, co sugeruje coraz większą potrzebę całościowego przemyślenia tej regulacji.

The study aims to underline the main aspects which mark, by similarity or by difference, the constitutional framework of two forms of association which, during the republican public life, often have shown contact points or even overlapping points: political parties and workers unions. In this perspective, starting from the examination of the articles 39 and 49 Const., the essay highlights the characteristics of the rights contained therein, as well as the different meaning that the concept of "implementation" can take with respect to each of them; on this last point, after noting how in both cases a supplementary and detailed intervention of the ordinary legislator is lacking and fragmentary, it investigates the reasons and it underlines the consequences. From all of the previous considerations, finally, the authoress draws some quick concluding observations, in which, among other things, it is stressed that the inability of the provisions contained in the last paragraphs of the art. 39 on collective labor agreements to establish themselves on the floor of the concrete life of the legal system, leaves more space to the assumptions and the wishes of their overall rethinking. ; Lo studio si propone di evidenziare i principali tratti che contraddistinguono, per similitudine o per differenza, la disciplina costituzionale di due forme associative che, nello svolgimento della vita pubblica repubblicana, hanno sovente mostrato punti di contatto o addirittura di sovrapposizione: partiti politici e sindacati dei lavoratori. In questa prospettiva, a partire dalla disamina degli artt. 39 e 49 Cost., si evidenziano le caratteristiche tipiche dei diritti in essi contenuti, nonché il diverso significato che il concetto di "attuazione" è suscettibile di assumere con riguardo a ciascuno di essi; a quest'ultimo riguardo, dopo aver constatato come in entrambi i casi sia carente e frammentario l'intervento integrativo e specificativo del legislatore ordinario, se ne indagano le ragioni e se ne rimarcano le conseguenze. Dall'insieme delle considerazioni svolte, infine, si traggono alcune rapide osservazioni conclusive nelle quali, tra l'altro, si sottolinea come l'incapacità delle previsioni contenute negli ultimi commi dell'art. 39 sui contratti collettivi di lavoro di affermarsi sul piano della concreta vita dell'ordinamento, lasci sempre più spazio alle ipotesi e agli auspici di un loro complessivo ripensamento. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wskazanie głównych cech charakterystycznych, podobieństw i różnic, konstytucyjnego uregulowania dwóch form zrzeszeń: partii politycznych i związków zawodowych, które w państwie republikańskim nie tylko mają ze sobą styczność, ale działają często wręcz w tych samych obszarach. Z tej perspektywy Autorka dokonuje analizy artykułów 39 i 49 Konstytucji Włoskiej, zwracając uwagę na cechy charakterystyczne zawartych w nich praw, a także na odmienne znaczenie koncepcji "realizacji prawa", jakie może przyjmować w odniesieniu do każdego z nich; w tej ostatniej kwestii, po stwierdzeniu jak lakoniczna i fragmentaryczna jest w obu przypadkach integrująca i uszczegóławiająca interwencja ustawodawcy, Autorka bada przyczyny i wynikające z takiego stanu rzeczy konsekwencje. Z ogółu przeprowadzonych rozważań Autorka wyciąga wnioski końcowe, w których między innymi podkreśla problem urzeczywistnienia postanowień zawartych w ostatnim ustępie art. 39 w odniesieniu do zbiorowych układów pracy, co sugeruje coraz większą potrzebę całościowego przemyślenia tej regulacji.