This article explores the main methodological dimensions of Rational Choice approach to Public Policy. It introduces some recent works addressing key aspects of contemporary public policy such as privatization, convergence in macro-economic policy, the control of Welfare spending, & the production of norms in public policy-making. Evidence suggests that a significant part of variance in public policy stems form intentional choices among purposive actors. We argue that the core originality of Rational Choice approach lies more with anticipation than with the search for optimality as a behavioral assumption. The value of Rational Choice for a political analysis of public policy lies precisely in considering the actors' capacity to base their choices on expectations of future situations, rather than on the determinacy of the past. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
Since the publication of Samuel Kernell's Going Public in 1986, many political scientists have accepted the theory of going public; yet, few scholars have tested the effectiveness of this presidential strategy. This article provides the first large-scale quantitative test of going public to determine whether this strategy increases the president's probability of success in the legislative arena. In particular, this study is based on a content analysis of thousands of presidential remarks from the PublicPapers of the Presidentsfor the years 1977-1992regarding 186 significant pieces of legislation. Based on this analysis, going public is a successful legislative strategy for presidential initiatives and other bills supported by the president.
This study examines prevailing characteristics of public attitudes to local government in Turkey based on the findings of a questionnaire based research project. The level of public knowledge of local government, people's satisfaction with local service provision, public views and complaints about local services are analysed. The findings show that the level of public knowledge of local government is low and people do not complain about local government services although the level of satisfaction is low. The belief that complaints would have no effect is the main reason for not complaining. The impact of sex, age, education, income, length of residence in the locality, housing tenure, and political opinion on public attitudes to local government is also assessed. Of these variables, age, education and income levels are found to be significant.
This study examines prevailing characteristics of public attitudes to local government in Turkey based on the findings of a questionnaire based research project. The level of public knowledge of local government, people's satisfaction with local service provision, public views and complaints about local services are analysed. The findings show that the level of public knowledge of local government is low and people do not complain about local government services although the level of satisfaction is low. The belief that complaints would have no effect is the main reason for not complaining. The impact of sex, age, education, income, length of residence in the locality, housing tenure, and political opinion on public attitudes to local government is also assessed. Of these variables, age, education and income levels are found to be significant.
The notion that the attitudes of the American public vis-a-vis the Soviet Union are driven essentially by emotion, and that they are more extreme and volatile than those of the government itself, is widely believed but may not be valid. While the public typically desires a combination of tough and conciliatory policies, it also tends to express, at any given moment, particular concern about whichever of the two it feels is most slighted in U.S. policy. Thus, the public will tend to seek conciliatory behavior from hawkish administrations while preferring a tough stance from administrations it deems dovish. By so doing, the public is likely to have a moderating effect on official behavior toward Moscow. The proposition is tested with reference to shifts in public approval of presidential Soviet policy, and certain implications are suggested for the manner in which political leadership perceives of its mandate.
Major economic reforms have been carried through in Sweden during the last two decades. Most of the reforms have been made in response to long-standing rather than to acute problems. There has usually been a strong perception among economists, policy makers and the general public of the problems that the reforms have sought to address. Reforms in other countries have sometimes provided inspiration. Most of the reforms were based on a broad political consensus. A heavy input from economic research has often been used as a basis for change.
We study electoral competition among politicians who are heterogeneous both in competence and in how much they care about (what they perceive as) the public interest relative to the private rents from being in office. We show that politicians? incentives to behave opportunistically increase with politicians? pay and with polarization of policy preferences. Moreover, politicians may have stronger incentives to behave opportunistically if other politicians are more likely to behave opportunistically. A political culture may therefore be selfreinforcing and multiple equilibria may arise. Lastly, we show that the mere probability that politicians care about the public interest enables opportunistic politicians to damage the reputation of their competitors. Consequently, efficient policies may be reversed.
"Das Arbeitspapier beschäftigt sich mit der Untersuchung der innen- und außenpolitischen Faktoren und Akteure, welche den friedlichen Wandel in der Ukraine bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen 2004 eingeleitet haben. Mit einem kurzen Abriss der gesellschaftspolitischen Entwicklung der Ukraine in den letzten zehn Jahren wird der Anspruch und die Wirklichkeit anhand von fünf Merkmalen der Demokratie verglichen. Nach der Schilderung des Wahlverlaufs folgt die Analyse von Interessen und Handlungen der wichtigsten Akteure, die abschließend zusammengefasst wird und mit einem Ausblick samt offenen Fragen die Untersuchung vervollständigt." (Textauszug)
All paths to Rome? Transnational Catholicism in the nineteenth century -- Under siege: Catholic parties in interwar Europe -- After Versailles: left-Catholic cooperation -- In the shadow of dictatorship: contacts in exile -- Hegemony by default: Christian democracy in postwar Europe -- Creating core Europe: the rise of the party network -- Deepening integration: the supranational coalition embattled -- Informal politics: from Rome to Maastricht.
Presidential addresses in our Association are frequently discourses on the state of our discipline. In the past twenty years nine presidents have reflected on its status, trends and needs. It would be presumptuous for another president to return to the topic now if the moment did not validate the need. After a period of novel developments, accompanied by uncertainties and tensions, there is need to reemphasize our community of interest and our common obligation.It is a community extending across diversities and an obligation with many components. The study of the science and art of government has many facets which reflect search in that eternal triangle of science, values, and utility.In the beginning it is well to remark that we are constantly drawn toward two poles in a dual quest. We would like to find verifiable propositions or working assumptions about political activity which, like the law of gravity or the laws of motion, transcend time, and technology and culture variations. We would like even to extend our vision further: just as the biologist seeks for the origins of life and the astronomer for the initial creative impulse for the universe, we want to know if there is a universal plan in history and a destiny for man.Such cosmic vision must be based on the assumption of some constants in human behavior, such as self-love; or in human relations, such as power; or in natural morality, such as justice. Yet grasp for certainty fades as we wonder whether all such things are relative to environment, and hence whether ecology and the search for the laws of change must be the centers of inquiry. As we contemplate how such great cultural changes as the secularization of thought in the Enlightenment, or such tremendous physical events as the discovery of America have upset the assumptions of thought, and as we try to think of what nuclear energy, automation and the dominion of scientists may mean, we are humble before the task of building an endurable science of politics.
Martin Seeliger, Sebastian Sevignani (Hrsg.): Ein neuer Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit? Leviathan, Sonderband 37. Baden-Baden: Nomos 2021. 978-3-8487-7171-4
Las miradas androcéntricas acerca de las prácticas de las mujeres y de su lugar social se reproducen en las premisas detrás de conceptos como el de cultura política. En la mayoría de los estudios de cultura política, el género es tomado como sexo y como dato cuantitativo, no considerándolo significativo para explicar las culturas políticas de los/as sujetos. La ausencia de las discusiones sobre género, manifiestan el androcentrismo de la mirada científica dominante. Si ampliamos la noción de lo que es política más allá de lo estatal y del funcionamiento institucional de la democracia representativa, y damos relevancia a las diversas subjetividades, las mujeres -como otros géneros- tienen igual potencial político que los varones, e incluso, a causa de sus posiciones subalternas, cuentan con la posibilidad de constituir demandas radicales para el cambio social. Proponemos un análisis histórico crítico sobre el concepto desde un enfoque interdisciplinario, hasta llegar a la discusión sobre las culturas políticas de las mujeres. El artículo se desarrolla en torno a tres ejes que organizan la presentación de los diferentes enfoques: ¿Dónde se estudia la cultura política? ¿Con quiénes y para quienes se estudia? ¿Para qué se estudian las culturas políticas?
El presente artículo tiene por objeto mostrar la vigencia, en un mundo global, del pensamiento de uno de los más importantes y originales pensadores latinoamericanos: José Carlos Mariátegui. La actualidad del pensamiento de Mariátegui se evidencia, justamente, por sus reflexiones sobre la identidad, la cultura y la nación en América Latina. Dichas reflexiones resultan de vital importancia en la era de la globalización cultural de las identidades en el capitalismo mundial.
In: Gillan , K & Pickerill , J 2008 , ' Transnational anti-war activism: Solidarity, diversity and the Internet in Australia, Britain and the United states after 9/11 ' Australian Journal of Political Science , vol 43 , no. 1 , pp. 59-78 . DOI:10.1080/10361140701842573
The upsurge in activism opposing wars and occupations in Afghanistan and Iraq appears to represent a significant process of transnational collective action. Using data collected through participant observation, interviews and web site analysis, this article explores the role of the Internet in facilitating transnational activism between Australia, Britain and the United States. This research confirms Tarrow's (2005a) assertion of 'rooted cosmopolitanism'- a primary commitment to locally contextualised action combined with a desire for transnational support. The Internet is used primarily for gathering news and for sharing symbolic expressions of solidarity. In Australia, in particular, with fewer domestic anti-war resources on-line, international networking proves particularly useful. To an extent, on-line networks reach across both political diversity and geographical boundaries. However, on-line resources do not appear to enable the more personal connections required to build stable, working coalitions across borders.
ABSTRACTPolitical party plays an important role in the democratic process of a country due to its role as a political infrastructure in an attempt to print a cadre of state leaders in the executive and legislative branches, which is a political suprastructure. Te correlationof both branches arevery important in the realization of the rule of law, which is based on democratic principles. In order to strengthen democracy and the implementation of an effective party system, strengthening the institutions and improving the function and the role of political party are needed.Tus, public funds (public fnancing) is nedeed by the political party to support operational activities of political education and political party secretariat. In relation with that issue, the fnancial disclosure at the level of internal party democracy is nedeed. Tis paper analyzes the fnancial support of political parties, in particular on the party funding arrangements system sourced from public funds, as referred to in the regulations governing the fnancial aid of the party with regard to the principles of good fnancial management and international standards that are built on people's interests.Keywords : political party, democracy, political party fnance.INTISARIPartai Politik memegang peranan penting dalam proses demokrasi suatu negara. Mengingat perannya sebagai infrastruktur politik dalam upaya mencetak kaderkader pemimpin negara di eksekutif maupun legislatif yang merupakan suatu suprastruktur politik. Korelasi keduanya sangatlah penting di dalam perwujudan prinsip negara hukum yang didasarkan pada prinsip-prinsip demokrasi. Guna penguatan pelaksanaan demokrasi dan sistem kepartaian yang efektif diperlukan penguatan kelembagaan serta peningkatan fungsi dan peran Partai Politik. Sehingga dengan demikian diperlukan adanya pemberian bantuan keuangan partai yang bersumber dari dana publik (public fnancing) yang digunakan sebagai penunjangkegiatan pendidikan politik dan operasional sekretariat partai politik. Berkaitan dengan hal tersebut, perlu adanya demokrasi pada tataran internal partai untuk mewujudkan keterbukaan keuangan partai. Tulisan ini menganalisis tentang bantuan keuangan partai politik, secara spesifk pada sistem pengaturan pendanaan partai yang bersumber dari dana publik sebagaimana dimaksud dalam regulasi yang mengatur tentang bantuan keuangan partai dengan memperhatikan prinsip-prinsip pengelolaan keuangan yang baik dan standar internasional yang dibangun di atas kepentingan rakyat.Kata Kunci : Partai Politik, Demokrasi, bantuan keuangan partai.