Suchergebnisse

Instead of promoting a balance of power among states, the new international order has been dominated by the dissemination of power among various international actors & structures. The power of all states has, therefore, been diminished & a sense of insecurity now prevails. Further, a weakened sense of systemic competition, resulting from the spread of globalization, has imposed limitations on the power of social, economic, & political actors. It is essential, therefore, that political processes be employed in an effort to consolidate genuine global governance. Multinational firms, global financial markets, & transnational security alliances are likely to play a significant role in creating a global environment that is structurally unified. K. A. Larsen

'Der Ethnonationalismus gehörte zu den Totengräbern der alten kommunistischen Ordnung. Ist er auch in der Lage, einen Beitrag zum Aufbau einer neuen demokratischen Ordnung zu leisten? Wird es den Russen und den nichtrussischen Völkern in der Rußländischen Föderation (RF) gelingen, eine Staatsbürgergesellschaft zu schaffen, die sowohl die Belange des staatsbildenden russischen Volkes wie die der anderen Völker angemessen berücksichtigt? Oder bleibt die rußländische Nation eine Fiktion, ähnlich wie das Sowjetvolk? Die Gefahr besteht, daß die Ansätze für eine rußländische Nation zerrieben werden zwischen imperialer Nostalgie und realem Partikularismus und Separatismus. Der vorliegende Bericht stützt sich auf russische wissenschaftliche und publizistische Materialien, er bezieht ebenso russische soziologische Untersuchungen und Zeitungsreportagen ein. Der deutsche und englischsprachige Forschungsstand wurden berücksichtigt.' (Textauszug)

"Person-centeredness" refers to how empathetic and warm a person's communication style is. Although the role of person-centeredness has been documented in various areas concerning interpersonal relations, person-centeredness has not been explored in the political realm. This project investigated how person-centered communications can influence impressions and evaluations of political candidates. In the first study, person-centered (PC) messages were shown to impact candidate trait ratings. Candidates using low PC messages were associated with more instrumental traits but fewer socio-emotional traits, while high PC candidates were assumed to have more socio-emotional traits but fewer instrumental traits. Similar results were found when participants rated a candidate's ability to handle socio-emotional and instrumental issues. With regard to global attitudes and voting likelihood, high PC candidates were preferred over low, however this PC effect was moderated by the candidate's gender, with female candidates showing a stronger PC effect than males. Study 2 investigated whether the PC effects shown in Study 1 would weaken or reverse in certain situations, specifically under conditions of threat where high PC candidates may be less desirable compared to low. Study 2 also explored whether individual differences within participants, namely political conservatism and authoritarianism, would moderate the PC effect. Overall results are discussed in terms of the benefits and costs of using PC messages and gender differences within politics.

The category "international political dialogue" is considered, which should be understood as a political-psychological and political-legal decision-making process by harmonizing the positions of states on complex problems and ensuring the process of their implementation. The most important prerequisites for interstate dialogue are the equality of the parties. The mutual interest of Ukraine and the European Union regarding the integration movement of Ukraine into the EU, which is the choice of the Ukrainian people, is emphasized. The main state documents that ensure this movement are considered. Since the EU is an integration entity of developed free and democratic states, it strives precisely for parity dialogue.

In the conditions of globalization of socio-political development, political crisis, in particular, war, it is impossible to obtain EU membership without reaching a consensus on certain problematic issues and implementing the results of international political dialogue. The dictation of one party and/or the lack of willingness to negotiate excludes the existence of dialogue, as the agreement of the parties' positions is replaced by unilateral or multilateral (depending on the situation) pressure. Attention is paid to the complex process of ensuring political dialogue with a number of special measures (from defining the goal, resolving conflict situations to reaching the desired consensus).

It was revealed that the obstacles to the effective political dialogue of Ukraine with the EU are the problems that the latter emphasizes: ineffective fight against corruption, slow reform of the law enforcement system, involvement of the judiciary; imperfection of the legal framework; uncompetitiveness of the financial system and the banking sector; weak protection of property rights of a potential investor.

The article reports a research about the organizational and political nature of "Movimiento al Socialismo – Instrumento Político por la Soberanía de los Pueblos (MAS-IPSP)" in Bolivia. It begins the study with a description of the creational conditions of the MA-IPSP, in the hope of distinguishing in it the operation of a political party in the long term. Then the article examines the party's orientation as a political instrument and finally analyzes the successes and turns of Evo Morales' victory inside the organization. ; El artículo realiza una investigación acerca de la naturaleza organizacional y política del Movimiento al Socialismo – Instrumento Político por la Soberanía de los Pueblos (MAS-IPSP) en Bolivia. Inicia el estudio con una descripción de las condiciones de creación del MAS-IPSP, con el objetivo de distinguir en ello el funcionamiento de un partido político a largo plazo. Luego examina su orientación como instrumento político y finalmente analiza los éxitos y giros del triunfo de Evo Morales dentro de la organización.

This article examines the interplay between corruption, personality traits and political trust. It argues that individuals' personality traits may condition the effect of corruption experience on trust and that these traits also affect how individuals are exposed to corrupt experiences. Using data from the AmericasBarometer 2010, the study finds that openness, conscientiousness, agreeableness and emotional stability amplify the negative effect of corruption on trust in the police. However, only extraversion amplifies the negative effect of corrupt experiences on trust in government. The study also finds that openness, extraversion, agreeableness and emotional stability are linked to exposure to corruption. The study contributes to the literature by showing that personality affects exposure to corruption and constrains the effect of corruption on political trust.

Political Representation: Communities, Ideas and Institutions in Europe (c. 1200 - c. 1690) , a scholarly collection on representation in medieval and early modern Europe, opens up the field of institutional and parliamentary history to new paradigms of representation across a wide geography and chronology - as testified by the volume's studies on assemblies ranging from Burgundy and Brabant to Ireland and Italy. The focus is on three areas: institutional developments of representative institutions in Western Europe; the composition of these institutions concerning interest groups and individual participants; and the ideological environment of representatives in time and space. By analysing the balance between bottom-up and top-down approaches to the functioning of institutions of representation; by studying the actors behind the representative institutions linking prosopographical research with changes in political dialogue; and by exploring the ideological world of representation, this volume makes a key contribution to the historiography of pre-modern government and political culture. Contributors are María Asenjo-González, Wim Blockmans, Mario Damen, Coleman A. Dennehy, Jan Dumolyn, Marco Gentile, David Grummitt, Peter Hoppenbrouwers, Alastair J. Mann, Tim Neu, Ida Nijenhuis, Michael Penman, Graeme Small, Robert Stein and Marie Van Eeckenrode.

This monograph examines the rhetorical nature and function of representations of the future in political discourse, focusing on political actors' use of hegemonic images of future "reality" to achieve their political goals. It argues that a key ideological dimension of political rhetoric lies in politicians' use of projections of the future to legitimate policies and actions. This argument is grounded in systemic-functional and critical discourse analyses of the "Bush Doctrine," the U.S. policy response to the September 11 terrorist attacks which sanctioned a "preemptive" military posture. By

"This book creates and explores philosophies of African development suitable for Black sub-Saharan African countries. The first part of African Political and Economic Philosophy with Africapitalism focuses on Africapitalism, while the second and third parts deal with various topics and issues in development and leadership respectively."

AbstractThis article focuses on the material and discursive constructions of nature and children in the city. While dominant representations and idealizations of nature and childhood depend on the binary logic of the nature/culture and rural/urban divide, there is also a simplification and romanticization of nature in children's geographies and a lack of children and their spaces in urban political ecology. We argue that children and nature in cities need to be removed from a binary model of being and attended to in more nuanced ways in urban political ecology and children's geographies. In this regard, we suggest that both nature and children in cities need to be queered. We need to ask how the production of urban spaces (re)creates particular romantic and idealized relations with natures that reify the binaries between nature/culture, and male/female through a heteronormative framework. The purpose of this article is to bring the critical nature–society theories of urban political ecology into conversation with work in children's geographies that explores the 'nature' of childhood, and in doing so queer the relationship between children and nature. Drawing on research on queer ecologies, and queered childhoods, we aim to provide a framework to rethink and queer both nature and children in cities.

The goal of this paper is to analyze the political participation of youth in Lithuania. Political participation can be analyzed in different ways; in this work, the institutional structure of participation is analyzed. We use the rational choice neoinstitutionalism as a tool for the conceptualization of youth political participation. According to Elinor Ostrom, one of the representatives of rational choice neoinstitutionalism, an act ofpolitical participation is conditioned by seven sets of institutions as rules: position rules, boundary rules, choice rules, aggregation rules, information rules, payoff rules and scope rules. These are the elements of institutional structure of youth political participation in Lithuania that were analyzed. The institutions are written in legislation. The selected legislation was qualitatively analyzed using the software MaxQda 12.The results were grouped according with the seven sets of institutions that determine the actions of actors in an action arena. It can be said that there are opportunities for youths to participate in politics and policy implementation process. However, the main function of the youth is to provide information for policy makers. There are direct ways to get the opinion of youth related to certain policies – surveys, legislative initiatives, and indirect ways through collective agents, such as JRT, SJOT and LiJOT. The political participation of youths requires a lot of expenses (especially in human resources, headquarters establishment and management as well as other material resources and access to mass media), but the benefits of political participation are weak. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama jaunimo dalyvavimą politikoje lemianti institucinė struktūra. Darbo tikslas – pateikti jaunimo dalyvavimą politikoje lemiančių institucijų aprašą. Institucijos yra suprantamos racionalaus pasirinkimo neoinstitucionalizmo teorijos perspektyvoje. Jaunimo dalyvavimą politikoje lemianti institucinė struktūra yra analizuojama remiantis Elinor Ostrom pasiūlyta institucijų analizės perspektyva. Institucijas išreiškiantys teisės aktai buvo analizuojami naudojant kokybinę turinio analizę. Rezultatai atskleidžia, kad Lietuvoje iš esmės jaunimas gali dalyvauti politikoje. Tačiau jaunimo dalyvavimas politikoje nėra pastiprinamas ir žvelgiant pro racionalaus pasirinkimo teorijos prizmę nelabai motyvuojamas – yra daug išlaidų, susijusių su dalyvavimu, o nauda ir pastiprinimas yra menki.

"The book reveals the interconnection between social, cultural and political protest movements and social and economic changes in a post-communist country like Russia still dominated by bureaucratic rulers and "oligarchs" controlling all basic industries and mining activities. Those interests are also dominating Russia's foreign policy and explain why Russia did not succeed in becoming an integral part of Europe. The latter is, at least, wished by many Russian citizens."--Publisher's website