Suchergebnisse

The success of public security policy is determined not only by the competence of the relevant field officials, but also by reasonably prepared strategic plan for public security measures and its implementation. Such a plan must be prepared on a regular basis in the context of the application of public safety measures - the state of social life and trends in its development. Therefore, the article analyzes the guidelines for the study of the state of social life and trends in trends. The paradigm of social life is a set of theoretical and methodological assumptions that can be used to reveal the features of social sociality, its value status and the evolving tendencies of development. The main attention is paid to revealing the basic ideas of social life, whose interaction plays a methodological role in examining the state of social life of a particular society. They are based on three paradigms of social life - closed, open and hollow society. This methodology reveals the features of the development of the social life status of Lithuanian society. In the process of transition from the state of the sovietised closed society to a classical open society, a collage society, characterized by a distinctive cluster of closed and open society, arose. The study revealed that the emergence of a new paradigm of social life, the tendency for the formation of a hollow society, is emerging.

The success of public security policy is determined not only by the competence of the relevant field officials, but also by reasonably prepared strategic plan for public security measures and its implementation. Such a plan must be prepared on a regular basis in the context of the application of public safety measures - the state of social life and trends in its development. Therefore, the article analyzes the guidelines for the study of the state of social life and trends in trends. The paradigm of social life is a set of theoretical and methodological assumptions that can be used to reveal the features of social sociality, its value status and the evolving tendencies of development. The main attention is paid to revealing the basic ideas of social life, whose interaction plays a methodological role in examining the state of social life of a particular society. They are based on three paradigms of social life - closed, open and hollow society. This methodology reveals the features of the development of the social life status of Lithuanian society. In the process of transition from the state of the sovietised closed society to a classical open society, a collage society, characterized by a distinctive cluster of closed and open society, arose. The study revealed that the emergence of a new paradigm of social life, the tendency for the formation of a hollow society, is emerging.

The object of this master's thesis is public security as a precondition for implementation of welfare state, which in the contemporary context can be held as one of the most relevant political and social topics in the research of national security. In accordance with the thesis' object, the aim of the thesis was formulated: to assess the connection between public security and welfare state, as one of the main common interests of social groups, that is determined by their interdependence and its perspectives, especially in accordance with the Lithuanian context. After carrying out the tasks of the thesis, a conclusion is drawn that public security is a necessary condition for the sustainable national development and that in order to develop an enduring welfare state in Lithuania it is needed to shape a sustainable and stable structure of public security that covers the functioning of state, business and society spheres, coordination of their interests and contribution to the national welfare and security. Also significant in Lithuania's development as a welfare state is the fact that in the long-term universal welfare ensures environment favourable for public security and prevention of manifestations of public insecurity. This reveals the dialectical interdependence of public security and welfare, the equilibrium stability of which is seen as a significant task of national security safeguarding.

The object of this master's thesis is public security as a precondition for implementation of welfare state, which in the contemporary context can be held as one of the most relevant political and social topics in the research of national security. In accordance with the thesis' object, the aim of the thesis was formulated: to assess the connection between public security and welfare state, as one of the main common interests of social groups, that is determined by their interdependence and its perspectives, especially in accordance with the Lithuanian context. After carrying out the tasks of the thesis, a conclusion is drawn that public security is a necessary condition for the sustainable national development and that in order to develop an enduring welfare state in Lithuania it is needed to shape a sustainable and stable structure of public security that covers the functioning of state, business and society spheres, coordination of their interests and contribution to the national welfare and security. Also significant in Lithuania's development as a welfare state is the fact that in the long-term universal welfare ensures environment favourable for public security and prevention of manifestations of public insecurity. This reveals the dialectical interdependence of public security and welfare, the equilibrium stability of which is seen as a significant task of national security safeguarding.

The object of this master's thesis is public security as a precondition for implementation of welfare state, which in the contemporary context can be held as one of the most relevant political and social topics in the research of national security. In accordance with the thesis' object, the aim of the thesis was formulated: to assess the connection between public security and welfare state, as one of the main common interests of social groups, that is determined by their interdependence and its perspectives, especially in accordance with the Lithuanian context. After carrying out the tasks of the thesis, a conclusion is drawn that public security is a necessary condition for the sustainable national development and that in order to develop an enduring welfare state in Lithuania it is needed to shape a sustainable and stable structure of public security that covers the functioning of state, business and society spheres, coordination of their interests and contribution to the national welfare and security. Also significant in Lithuania's development as a welfare state is the fact that in the long-term universal welfare ensures environment favourable for public security and prevention of manifestations of public insecurity. This reveals the dialectical interdependence of public security and welfare, the equilibrium stability of which is seen as a significant task of national security safeguarding.

The object of this master's thesis is public security as a precondition for implementation of welfare state, which in the contemporary context can be held as one of the most relevant political and social topics in the research of national security. In accordance with the thesis' object, the aim of the thesis was formulated: to assess the connection between public security and welfare state, as one of the main common interests of social groups, that is determined by their interdependence and its perspectives, especially in accordance with the Lithuanian context. After carrying out the tasks of the thesis, a conclusion is drawn that public security is a necessary condition for the sustainable national development and that in order to develop an enduring welfare state in Lithuania it is needed to shape a sustainable and stable structure of public security that covers the functioning of state, business and society spheres, coordination of their interests and contribution to the national welfare and security. Also significant in Lithuania's development as a welfare state is the fact that in the long-term universal welfare ensures environment favourable for public security and prevention of manifestations of public insecurity. This reveals the dialectical interdependence of public security and welfare, the equilibrium stability of which is seen as a significant task of national security safeguarding.

The article provides a metatheoretical analysis of the ideas of social welfare and public policy goals recorded in the essential documents of the contemporary Lithuanian state. Two methods are applied: a hermeneutical-historical analysis of legal and political texts, and that of rational reconstruction, which is used to infer metatheoretical foundations of the value and normative statements expressed in these texts. The most important among them is the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania which is considered as social contract constituting Lithuanian political nation. Three layers of the citizenship rights – civil rights, political rights, and social rights – are identified in the body of Constitution. They are considered as historically contingent local reflections of the different epochs of the history of Western world, claiming universal significance for some of its outcomes. Two alternative – an individualistic and a holistic one – concepts of social welfare together with methodologies of its measurement are discussed as alternative resources to provide philosophical-sociological metatheory for the text of Constitution. This combination of the methods referred to above is applied also for the analysis of the strategical long-term planning documents elaborated by the Lithuanian political parties and Lithuanian government. This analysis is used to advance the proposal to use the concept of citizenship rent to describe the paramount goal of the Lithuanian national policy under conditions of eurointegration and globalization. The "citizenship rent" is defined as surplus life chances conditional on the membership in the political nation and due to its comparative advantages that can be augmented by means of public policy.

The article provides a metatheoretical analysis of the ideas of social welfare and public policy goals recorded in the essential documents of the contemporary Lithuanian state. Two methods are applied: a hermeneutical-historical analysis of legal and political texts, and that of rational reconstruction, which is used to infer metatheoretical foundations of the value and normative statements expressed in these texts. The most important among them is the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania which is considered as social contract constituting Lithuanian political nation. Three layers of the citizenship rights – civil rights, political rights, and social rights – are identified in the body of Constitution. They are considered as historically contingent local reflections of the different epochs of the history of Western world, claiming universal significance for some of its outcomes. Two alternative – an individualistic and a holistic one – concepts of social welfare together with methodologies of its measurement are discussed as alternative resources to provide philosophical-sociological metatheory for the text of Constitution. This combination of the methods referred to above is applied also for the analysis of the strategical long-term planning documents elaborated by the Lithuanian political parties and Lithuanian government. This analysis is used to advance the proposal to use the concept of citizenship rent to describe the paramount goal of the Lithuanian national policy under conditions of eurointegration and globalization. The "citizenship rent" is defined as surplus life chances conditional on the membership in the political nation and due to its comparative advantages that can be augmented by means of public policy.

The article provides a metatheoretical analysis of the ideas of social welfare and public policy goals recorded in the essential documents of the contemporary Lithuanian state. Two methods are applied: a hermeneutical-historical analysis of legal and political texts, and that of rational reconstruction, which is used to infer metatheoretical foundations of the value and normative statements expressed in these texts. The most important among them is the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania which is considered as social contract constituting Lithuanian political nation. Three layers of the citizenship rights – civil rights, political rights, and social rights – are identified in the body of Constitution. They are considered as historically contingent local reflections of the different epochs of the history of Western world, claiming universal significance for some of its outcomes. Two alternative – an individualistic and a holistic one – concepts of social welfare together with methodologies of its measurement are discussed as alternative resources to provide philosophical-sociological metatheory for the text of Constitution. This combination of the methods referred to above is applied also for the analysis of the strategical long-term planning documents elaborated by the Lithuanian political parties and Lithuanian government. This analysis is used to advance the proposal to use the concept of citizenship rent to describe the paramount goal of the Lithuanian national policy under conditions of eurointegration and globalization. The "citizenship rent" is defined as surplus life chances conditional on the membership in the political nation and due to its comparative advantages that can be augmented by means of public policy.

The article provides a metatheoretical analysis of the ideas of social welfare and public policy goals recorded in the essential documents of the contemporary Lithuanian state. Two methods are applied: a hermeneutical-historical analysis of legal and political texts, and that of rational reconstruction, which is used to infer metatheoretical foundations of the value and normative statements expressed in these texts. The most important among them is the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania which is considered as social contract constituting Lithuanian political nation. Three layers of the citizenship rights – civil rights, political rights, and social rights – are identified in the body of Constitution. They are considered as historically contingent local reflections of the different epochs of the history of Western world, claiming universal significance for some of its outcomes. Two alternative – an individualistic and a holistic one – concepts of social welfare together with methodologies of its measurement are discussed as alternative resources to provide philosophical-sociological metatheory for the text of Constitution. This combination of the methods referred to above is applied also for the analysis of the strategical long-term planning documents elaborated by the Lithuanian political parties and Lithuanian government. This analysis is used to advance the proposal to use the concept of citizenship rent to describe the paramount goal of the Lithuanian national policy under conditions of eurointegration and globalization. The "citizenship rent" is defined as surplus life chances conditional on the membership in the political nation and due to its comparative advantages that can be augmented by means of public policy.

Incapability of the EU to act unanimously in the field of foreign and security policy and efficiently participate in resolution of international issues is very often justified by insufficient political will of the EU member states. Non-existence of the image of EU as international player raises issues concerned with capability of this organization to be a subject of international law, raises doubts as for its reliability as much as it concerns other players of international relations. Political will should be understood as a degree of determination of political leaders to seek for and put into practice a certain type of policy. However, when lack of political will is used to justify inaction, the reasons for that lie much deeper. The problem considered in this paper sounds as follows: although the EU member-states declare particular goals of foreign policy, however they do not take any measures to implement them while justifying themselves by lack of political will or determination. The purpose of this paper is to investigate what the argument of political will means in the context of EU foreign and security policy, what circumstances it is used at and what could be possible interpretations of it. It is asserted that the lack of political will in the EU foreign and security policy conceals the differences of member states' national interests that cause the lack of political will of entire EU as well as create a gap between the goals declared in the CFSP and actual decisions. Evolution of the CFSP and survey of existing situation as well as analysis of internal processes helps to perceive the way how foreign and security policy is formed in the second pillar, what role is attributed to appropriate institutions and who has a decisive vote while making final decisions. Neorealism theory of international relations was used as a background. In Part 2 of the paper there was analysed the concept of political will and its possible interpretations. While seeking to highlight how widely this term was used, here were submitted the quotations of the officials responsible for the EU foreign policy as well as political leaders of EU member states and academicians. Possible meanings of political will also were submitted and finally it was attempted to deconstruct the argument while singling out the most important factors. In Part 3, particular cases of unsuccessful policy of the EU in regard to third parties were analysed. The argument of political will is rather often heard while assessing and surveying the implementations of the EU goals in Africa, therefore for the investigation the samples of relationship between EU and Morocco and Zimbabwe were selected. Intergovernmental principle of CFSP operation, unanimous decision-making and reluctance of lodging more powers into hands of institutions reveals that member states are the main players in this field. Wide context of the usage of political will as a term and complexity of determination of this concept induces to treat this term as a screen to cover other reasons and incites searching what is concealed under it. The hypothesis raised at the beginning of the paper was confirmed. The samples considered obviously revealed discrepancies of the national interests of the EU member states. Different attitudes of the EU countries cause inactivity of entire European Union meanwhile the failures in foreign policy are named as the lack of political will.

Incapability of the EU to act unanimously in the field of foreign and security policy and efficiently participate in resolution of international issues is very often justified by insufficient political will of the EU member states. Non-existence of the image of EU as international player raises issues concerned with capability of this organization to be a subject of international law, raises doubts as for its reliability as much as it concerns other players of international relations. Political will should be understood as a degree of determination of political leaders to seek for and put into practice a certain type of policy. However, when lack of political will is used to justify inaction, the reasons for that lie much deeper. The problem considered in this paper sounds as follows: although the EU member-states declare particular goals of foreign policy, however they do not take any measures to implement them while justifying themselves by lack of political will or determination. The purpose of this paper is to investigate what the argument of political will means in the context of EU foreign and security policy, what circumstances it is used at and what could be possible interpretations of it. It is asserted that the lack of political will in the EU foreign and security policy conceals the differences of member states' national interests that cause the lack of political will of entire EU as well as create a gap between the goals declared in the CFSP and actual decisions. Evolution of the CFSP and survey of existing situation as well as analysis of internal processes helps to perceive the way how foreign and security policy is formed in the second pillar, what role is attributed to appropriate institutions and who has a decisive vote while making final decisions. Neorealism theory of international relations was used as a background. In Part 2 of the paper there was analysed the concept of political will and its possible interpretations. While seeking to highlight how widely this term was used, here were submitted the quotations of the officials responsible for the EU foreign policy as well as political leaders of EU member states and academicians. Possible meanings of political will also were submitted and finally it was attempted to deconstruct the argument while singling out the most important factors. In Part 3, particular cases of unsuccessful policy of the EU in regard to third parties were analysed. The argument of political will is rather often heard while assessing and surveying the implementations of the EU goals in Africa, therefore for the investigation the samples of relationship between EU and Morocco and Zimbabwe were selected. Intergovernmental principle of CFSP operation, unanimous decision-making and reluctance of lodging more powers into hands of institutions reveals that member states are the main players in this field. Wide context of the usage of political will as a term and complexity of determination of this concept induces to treat this term as a screen to cover other reasons and incites searching what is concealed under it. The hypothesis raised at the beginning of the paper was confirmed. The samples considered obviously revealed discrepancies of the national interests of the EU member states. Different attitudes of the EU countries cause inactivity of entire European Union meanwhile the failures in foreign policy are named as the lack of political will.

While looking through the lens of governmentality, the article analyses how the Lithuanian energy secu-rity policy and the energy security risks constructed by the political powers coincide with the energy secu-rity preferences and perception of risks in Lithuania society. The article first analyses the rationality of Lithuanian energy policy (by examining the con-formity of the energy security policy chosen by the Government with the public interest) and then turns its attention to the implementation and consequences of specific energy projects (examining public opin-ion). The analysis of public attitudes is based on 2013 and 2017 and the analysis of energy policy as the most important energy policy documents for 2012–2017. The study shows that the mismatch between public opinion and policy goals can undermine the implementation of energy security policy

While looking through the lens of governmentality, the article analyses how the Lithuanian energy secu-rity policy and the energy security risks constructed by the political powers coincide with the energy secu-rity preferences and perception of risks in Lithuania society. The article first analyses the rationality of Lithuanian energy policy (by examining the con-formity of the energy security policy chosen by the Government with the public interest) and then turns its attention to the implementation and consequences of specific energy projects (examining public opin-ion). The analysis of public attitudes is based on 2013 and 2017 and the analysis of energy policy as the most important energy policy documents for 2012–2017. The study shows that the mismatch between public opinion and policy goals can undermine the implementation of energy security policy