Suchergebnisse

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; From January to December 2018, the Pan-African Parliament undertook several activities, in fulfillment of its core mandate, which is to "ensure the full participation of African peoples in the development of and economic integration of the continent."1 Submitted in accordance with Rule 76 of the Rules of Procedure of the Pan-African Parliament, this annual activity report provides an account of all the activities undertaken by the Pan-African Parliament, towards the achievement of its mandate.

Study on the performance of the 1992-1996 Lebanese Parliament: the Parliamentary Presidency, committees, and coalitions; the image and role of parliament; discussions of a workshop on the "Role of the 1992-1996 Parliament", October 31, 1996. Appendices: The internal law of the Parliament; the legislative committees; chronology of events related to the Parliament

النظام الداخلي للبرلمان هي الأداة التي تنظم عملالبرلمانوتحدد العلاقة بينه و بي السلطات الأخرى للدولة، وكذلك ترسم الطريق الذي يتعين على النائب أن يسلكه لأداء دوره في الرقابة والتشريع. وأن مبررات وضرورات وضع الانظمة الداخلية تكمن في ثلاثة ضروريات تشريعية وتنظيمية، وكذلك أنها ضرورة ملحة لحماية الاقليات البرلمانية. وهناك ثلاث طرق لإصدار الانظمة الداخلية للبرلمان، وأن المجالس التشريعية هي صاحبة الاختصاص الاصلي في وضع لوائحها الداخلية، ومبرر ذلك يرجع الى العمل بمبدأ الفصل بين السلطات وإستقلال البرلمان عن السلطات الاخرى. وأن النظام الداخلي لا تقتصر أهميتها على تنظيم المسائل الشكلية أو الاجرائية بل يمكن أن تمس كذلك المسائل الموضوعية فتقوم بتكملة النصوص الدستورية فيما يتعلق بمجال الاختصاص البرلماني. ورغم إختلاف الظروف السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية لظهور البرلمان في كل من دول موضوع المقارنة فيما يخص التنظيم الداخلي للبرلمان، الا أن هناك نقاط يجمعهم ونقاط يفرقهم مثل طريقة تكوين البرلمان وكيفية إنتخاب رئيس البرلمان في الدول الاربعة. وأن أللجان البرلمانية لها دور محوري في عمل كل البرلمانات الاربعة موضوع المقارنة، لكن التقاليد البرلمانية تختلف بين الدول وكذلك ثبوتية عدد أعضاء البرلمانات. ; The rules of procedure of the Parliament are the tools that regulate the work of Parliament and determine the relationship between it and the other authorities of the country, they also chart the path that the MP must take to perform his role in the censorship and legislation. And that the justification and necessity of the development of internal regulations lies in three legislative and regulatory requirements, as well as an urgent need to protect parliamentary minorities. There are three ways to issue the internal regulations of the Parliament. The legislative councils have the original jurisdiction to make their own internal regulations. This is justified by the principle of separation of powers and the independence of parliament from other authorities. And that the rules of procedure had a significant impact on the functioning of the Parliament, not only on the organization of formal or procedural matters but also on substantive issues, complementing the constitutional texts in respect of parliamentary jurisdiction. Despite the different political, social and economic conditions of the emergence of the parliament in each of the countries of comparison in terms of the internal organization of the parliament, but there are Points in common and points divides them, like the way the parliament is formed and how the speaker of parliament is elected in the four countries is different. And the parliamentary committees have a central role in the work of all four parliaments. The subject of comparison is different, but parliamentary traditions vary among countries, as does the number of members of parliaments

Lebanon; parliament; politics and government

On parliament election in Lebanon, 1996

ان الديمقراطية النيابية تعني قيام الشعب باختيار ممثلين عنه للحكم بدلا عنه لفترة زمنية معينة عبر انتخابات دورية .لذا فان تاقيت المجالس النيابية هي احد العناصر الاساسية للديمقراطية النيابية وتنتهي تمثيل المجلس النيابي للشعب صاحب السلطة الاصلي بانتهاء مدة ولاية المجلس ويفقد المثلون شرعيتهم لان الشعب انتخبهم لتمثيله فقط لتلك المدة المحددة في الدستور او القانون وينبغي العودة مجددا الى الشعب ليدلو بدلوه امما باعادة انتخابهم اذا رأى فيهم انهم قد احسنو تمثيله او يقوم بانتخاب نواب اخرين لكي يمثلوه لولاية جديدة،ولا يجوز تأخير الانتخابات او تمديد ولاية المجالس لانهم وكلاء عن الشعب ولا يجوز للوكيل تمديد مدة وكالته او ولايته ولكن نرى انه في الدول والاقاليم الحديثة العهد بالديمقراطية ومنها العراق واقليم كوردستان لا يتم الالتزام بمواعيد الانتخابات في حينها ويتم اللجوء في الكثير من الاحايين الى تمديد ولاية المجالس سواء ولاية المجالس الوطنية كمجلس النواب او المجلس الوطني في السابق و برلمان اقليم كوردستان او المجالس المحلية كمجالس المحافظات والبلديات في هذا البحث تناولنا حالات تمديد المجالس النيابية الوطنية والمحلية وعلى مستوى الدولة الاتحادية وعلى مستوى اقليم كوردستان ايضا. ; around the existence and non-existence with the timeliness corner of the parliamentary democracy, because the timeliness corner requires specifying a reasonable period of time for the mandate of the Parliamentary Councils, and on this basis most of the constitutions stipulated the determination of a reasonable time period that ranges from two to five years for the mandate of the Parliamentary Councils, And in order to renew the council's mandate at the end of the term, it also stipulated that a specific period be set before the mandate of the existing council to conduct elections to renew the council's term, and the formation of a new council with the end of the mandate of the existing council. The extension of the mandate of the House of Representatives is in violation of the rules of jurisdiction and delegation as well, because representatives are competent to exercise their powers defined in the constitution within a limited period of time and with the end of this period their powers to practice their business ends, and when they perform any work outside this period their behavior is tainted by the defect of lack of temporal competence Their behavior is invalid, in addition to that the extension of the mandate of the Parliament is considered contrary to the rules of delegation as well, because according to these rules the authority of the Commissioner ends once the time period specified for him has expired, and during our study of democracy we concluded that the people are the original owner The power to delegate power by all members of the people, the people authorized the deputies to exercise judgment in their place for a limited period and with their termination, the jurisdiction in question delegated to the original owner of the authority It should be noted that in the new countries of democracy, the constitutional and legal dates of the mandate of the Parliamentary Councils are not adhered to, and the elections are delayed and the mandate of those councils is extended, whether in Kurdistan or in the Iraqi federal state. In this research, the cases of extension to the national, local, or municipal councils are discussed with submitting the necessary proposals and recommendations not to Resorting to extending and abiding by the constitutional and legal dates of the elections in order for the parliament to retain its legitimacy

Iraq's overall security situation has notably improved after the defeat of ISIS, but significant challenges lie ahead. Iraq has witnessed major political and security transitions in 2017 when Prime Minister Al-Abadi announced in December the victory over ISIS after a war that lasted three years. The defeat of ISIS in Iraq left the government with the daunting tasks of rebuilding the country's infrastructure, reconstruction of liberated areas, establishing security and stability,and providing services for the return of the displaced persons. On May 12, 2018 Iraq voted in parliamentary elections that delivered a win for a political bloc led by Moqtada al-Sadr, while PM Al-Abadi's bloc, once seen as front runner, came in third. The ballots have been recounted after allegations of fraud and completed on August 8th without major change. On September 15th, Iraq's parliament elected lawmaker Mohammed al-Halbousi as speaker, marking a major step towards establishing a new government. On October 2nd, Iraq's parliament elected as president Barham Salih,who immediately named Adel Abdul Mahdi Prime Minister-designate, ending months of deadlock afterthe national election in May.

أجريت هذه الدراسة بهدف التعرف إلى الذكاء العاطفي وعلاقته باتخاذ القرار لدى أعضاء مجلس النواب الأردني السابع عشر وفقاً لبعض المتغيرات، حيث تكونت عينة الدراسة من (114) نائبا، وقد استخدم الباحثون مقياس (جولمان) للذكاء العاطفي المُطور من قبل الديدي (2001)، ومقياس اتخاذ القرار والمُطور من قبل الغامدي (2012). واعتمد الباحثون المنهج الوصفي التحليلي لملائمته للدراسة، وقد أظهرت النتائج أن كلًا من مستوى الذكاء العاطفي واتخاذ القرار لدى أعضاء مجلس النواب الأردني كانا ضمن المستوى المتوسط، كما أشارت نتائج الدراسة إلى عدم وجود فروق ذات دلالة إحصائية في العلاقة بين الدرجة الكلية في الذكاء العاطفي واتخاذ القرار تعزى إلى المتغيرات الديمغرافية (الجنس، المؤهل العلمي، الخبرة النيابية)، كما أظهرت نتائج الدراسة إلى وجود فروق دالة إحصائياً في مستوى الذكاء العاطفي لدى أعضاء مجلس النواب الأردني تعزى لمتغير جنس النائب ولصالح الإناث، وأيضاً وجود فروق دالة إحصائياً في مستوى الذكاء العاطفي لدى أعضاء مجلس النواب الأردني تعزى لمتغير المؤهل العلمي ولصالح (البكالوريوس). كما أشارت النتائج إلى وجود علاقة دالة إحصائياً في مستوى الذكاء العاطفي لدى أعضاء مجلس النواب الأردني تعزى لمتغير الخبرة النيابية ولصالح (ثلاث دورات نيابية فأكثر). وقد خرجت الدراسة بعدد من التوصيات بناءً على النتائج التي توصلت لها الدراسة. ; This study aimed to identify the emotional intelligence in decision-making of members of Jordanian lower house based on some variables revealing the relationship between the levels of emotional intelligence and decision-making depending on some variables of (gender, qualifications and years of parliamentary experience). The individuals of this study consisted of all the members of Jordanian lower house, which consist of (150) representatives, and the researcher used the two tools: the first one is (Goleman) scale for emotional intelligence which has been developed by Al - didi (2001), and the second one is the decision-making, which has been developed by Al - Ghamdi (2012).Those two tools were verified faithfully and consistently using appropriate statistical methods. and the researcher has used the descriptive method to reach the study conclusion. The results showed that both the levels of emotional intelligence and decision-making among the members of lower house were in the intermediate level, and no statistically of significant differences in the relationship between emotional intelligence and decision-making due to demographic variables (gender, qualifications, and parliamentary experience), the results showed a statistically significant differences in the level of emotional intelligence among the members of the Parliament due to the variable of sex deviated to the (females) side , and also the existence of differences in the level of emotional intelligence among the members of Jordanian lower house due to the variable of interest qualification and deviated to the side of (Bachelor's degree). The results also indicated no statistically relationship in the level of emotional intelligence among members of Jordanian lower house due to the variable of parliamentary experience and goes deviated to the side of (equal or more than three parliamentary sessions).The researcher recommended further research and studies to show how important having the emotional intelligence for the members of the Parliament to have an effective impact on adjustment and making critical and important decisions, also recommended the need to train the Parliament members on the skills of emotional intelligence due to the strong relationship to decision-making through the development of training courses and programs.

This study is about the non-governmental Syrian position held by the parliament, parties and other people powers towards the Greater Syria Plan endeavored by King Abdullah I bin Al Hussein during the fourth decade of the twentieth century, aiming at unity of Natural Syria and integration of its four regions (Jordan, North Syria, Palestine and Lebanon) within one state. The original documentary recourses reviewed revealed divergence between the position held by the Syrian people and that of their government. While then Syrian government departing from self-interest of the statesmen, and in compliance of the tendency of both the patronizing Francis government, and some Arab governments declared fierce opposition to the plan, there was great acceptance and support of the Greater Syria Plan and King Abdullah's endeavors for unity among most Syrian people communities and other representative Syrian currents on the ground of their believe in the unity of the Shamite Regions, as a basis on which to achieve the country's best interest, as a first step towards Pan-Arabism and one best choice to cope with the Zionistic threats.

"Profit over Peace in Western Sahara examines the role of natural resources in the occupation of Africa's last colony. Not well known to the wider public, the territory of Western Sahara is considered by the United Nations to be awaiting decolonization. Its liberation from colonial rule has come to a standstill due to Morocco's continued military occupation of a part of the territory. The protracted conflict has dramatic consequences for the Sahrawi people of Western Sahara. This book details, among other things, a remarkable vote in the European Parliament in 2011 when EU offshore fisheries were rejected by the territory. The battle over the fisheries elegantly illustrates how the EU--for political reasons and financial self-interest--has ignored basic principles of international law. This publication is edited by Erik Hagen and the artist Mario Pfeifer, who has been researching the region since 2011 and provides visual material for the book. Erik Hagen has followed the issue of resources in Western Sahara since 2002, both as a journalist and as a campaigner for the organization Western Sahara Resource Watch. An essay by lawyer Jeffrey J. Smith examines the 2017 landmark judgment in South Africa concerning a bulk vessel carrying conflict minerals from the territory." (Publisher's description)

تعد المدة بين1954- 1958 من اكثر المراحل ديمقراطية في سورية, حيث عادت الحياة الدستورية الى البلاد ومارس الشعب الانتخابات لاختيار مجلس النواب, ومارس مجلس النواب والاحزاب دورهم في ادارة البلاد وتشكيل حكومة تجمع وطني جمعت كافة الاحزاب الوطنية والقومية والمستقلين, ووقفت سورية ضد الاحلاف الاجنبية لاسيما حلف بغداد, وساندت مصر في احداث السويس وسعت الى الاتحاد مع مصر 1958. تألف البحث من مقدمة وثلاثة مباحث وخاتمة, درس المبحث الاول التوجه نحو الديمقراطية والحياة الدستورية , وتناول المبحث الثاني التجمع القومي, وعالج المبحث الثالث الوحدة السورية المصرية 1958. ; The period between 1954- 1958 was more times democracy inSyria where comeback the constitutionality life for the country and practiced the people elections toselct the house of representatives, And practiced the parliament and parties their role in the management of the country and forming government national congregation collected all parties national and nationalism and independent, and stood Syria against the foreign alliances in particular the treaty of Baghdad, and supported Egypt in events of the Suez and sought to the union with Egypt 1958, and consisted the research of introduction and three sections and conclusion ,studied the first section orientation to democracy and the constitutionality life, studied the second ascend section the nationalist congregation, and displayed the third section the unity Syrian Egyptian 1958.