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ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (from November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1432. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.1 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. As opposed to the previous version 2.0, this version corrects some errors in various corpora and adds the information on upper / lower house for bicameral parliaments. The vertical files have also been changed to make them easier to use in the concordancers.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1431.

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1405.

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1388. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project.

The aim of the study is to present the European Parliamentary elections taking place on 22 May 2014. The first part of the study focuses on the results, the Europeans and the Hungarian as well. The turnout was almost the same as last elections in 2009, but the balance of power has been shifted slightly. The political groups have remained almost the same like before. The European People's Party lost several mandates, the Socialists and the Greens managed to maintain almost the same size of group with a small loss, while the liberals lost the biggest. The European Conservatives became the third biggest political group in the newly elected European Parliament. The left wing parties are also the winners of this election: the GUE/NGL succeeded to gain several new seats. The study also shows how the newly elected European Parliament (EP) held its inauguration session. The first step was the formation of the different political groups. Then, during its inauguration session held in Strasbourg, the new members of the parliament elected the President, the 14 Vice-Presidents, and the quaestors. In addition, the essay gives a short outlook to the ongoing institutional changes, mainly concentrating on the new European Commission.

The purpose of the study is to explain the evolution of regulations that resulted in minority rights for Romanians living in Transylvania in the pre-1918 period. The study analyses in detail the advancement of the idea of " nationalities" (in the meaning of national minorities) in the legislation from the last decade of the 18th century and presents the legal claims of the Transylvanian Romanians against the Habsburg Empire and the Hungarian Parliament. The authors present the Nationalities Act adopted in the 1848 revolution, but left without consequences, and examine the development of laws on minority rights during the legislative period following the Austrian-Hungarian settlement. The article discusses the grand debate on the act on nationalities, which took place in the Hungarian Parliament in 1868, and describes the later assimilation efforts by the majority lawmakers. The authors draw attention to the fact that non-Hungarian nationalities acquired a minority status only after the adoption of the Nationalities Act by the Hungarian state, which became a so-called majority state.

The paper aims to present a comparative analysis of caricatures published in comic papers (Üstökös, Borsszem Jankó, Bolond Istók, and Kakas Márton) in the turn of the 20th century. The author intends to demonstrate the visual methods of depicting the obstruction in the Hungarian parliament (1895–1913). The comic papers represented the viewpoints of the Hungarian parties: Borsszem Jankó an-nounced the opinion of the government, the others the different wings of opposition. The results of the examination reveal that the visual techniques of depicting the obstruction were very similar in spite of the party motivated diverse judgement of the obstruction. ; The paper aims to present a comparative analysis of caricatures published in comic papers (Üstökös, Borsszem Jankó, Bolond Istók, and Kakas Márton) in the turn of the 20th century. The author intends to demonstrate the visual methods of depicting the obstruction in the Hungarian parliament (1895–1913). The comic papers represented the viewpoints of the Hungarian parties: Borsszem Jankó an-nounced the opinion of the government, the others the different wings of opposition. The results of the examination reveal that the visual techniques of depicting the obstruction were very similar in spite of the party motivated diverse judgement of the obstruction.

Regulation (EU) No 650/2012 of the European Parliament and of the Council in matters of succession is based on the principles of uniformity and predictability. The succession procedure should be governed by a single statutory provision in each Member State, uniformly with regard to all types of property, in terms of quality of succession, provisions on the opening and place of the succession, ineligibility for inheritance, survivor's rights. The harmonization that has begun runs counter to the different national laws and regulations of the Member States, which will only be possible to approximate over time, but uniform rules would significantly facilitate and resolve the legal problems that arise in succession proceedings.

The plebiscite on the independence of Catalonia was adopted by the parliament of the Autonomous Community on 6th September 2017, which was suspended two days later by the Spanish Constitutional Court. Despite the prohibition of the Constitutional Court, the Catalan government decided to hold the illegal referendum on 1st October 2017, which increased the tensions between the Spanish cabinet and the Generalitat as a result of harsh police force's riots. At the end of October 2017, the Catalan regional parliament declared the independence of the Autonomous Community. The reaction of the Spanish government was that it suspended the autonomy of Catalonia and decided to call early elections on 21st December 2017. Although the pro-independence parties (JuntsxCat and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya) won the elections, they could only constitute a stable government by the external support of the radical left-wing party, Alternativa de Esquerres. The objective of my essay is to evaluate the political and economic consequences of the Catalan plebiscite, which was held on 1st October 2017. The popular vote about the self-determination of Catalonia caused a political and legal uncertainty and influenced the economic situation of the Autonomous Community and Spain negatively. The events which happened in Catalonia contributed to the loss of control over the legislature by a motion of no confidence against the Government of Mariano Rajoy and increased the division between the Catalan and the Spanish society. Because of length constraints, I will not highlight the European Union's policy of the People's Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. Besides the evaluation of the political and economic outcomes of the Catalan referendum, the main aim of the paper is to give insight into the factors that determined the independence process in Catalonia.

The plebiscite on the independence of Catalonia was adopted by the parliament of the Autonomous Community on 6th September 2017, which was suspended two days later by the Spanish Constitutional Court. Despite the prohibition of the Constitutional Court, the Catalan government decided to hold the illegal referendum on 1st October 2017, which increased the tensions between the Spanish cabinet and the Generalitat as a result of harsh police force's riots. At the end of October 2017, the Catalan regional parliament declared the independence of the Autonomous Community. The reaction of the Spanish government was that it suspended the autonomy of Catalonia and decided to call early elections on 21st December 2017. Although the pro-independence parties (JuntsxCat and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya) won the elections, they could only constitute a stable government by the external support of the radical left-wing party, Alternativa de Esquerres. The objective of my essay is to evaluate the political and economic consequences of the Catalan plebiscite, which was held on 1st October 2017. The popular vote about the self-determination of Catalonia caused a political and legal uncertainty and influenced the economic situation of the Autonomous Community and Spain negatively. The events which happened in Catalonia contributed to the loss of control over the legislature by a motion of no confidence against the Government of Mariano Rajoy and increased the division between the Catalan and the Spanish society. Because of length constraints, I will not highlight the European Union's policy of the People's Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. Besides the evaluation of the political and economic outcomes of the Catalan referendum, the main aim of the paper is to give insight into the factors that determined the independence process in Catalonia.

In the independent Croatia elections are among the most important political processes, hence they are the central elements of the whole transition. The importance of elections has increased the importance of electoral systems as institutional forms of arranging elections, and they became main constitutional arrangements of the new democratic country. There have been no any new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe with such frequent and radical changes of electoral systems in the first decade after political changes. In the entire transitional region there has been no country that in ten years carried out three big, electoral reforms. In ten years, all the central models of the electoral systems for the first chamber of the Parliament have been remoulded: the absolute majority system (1990), the segmented system with the equal ratio of direct and closed list seats (1992), the segmented system with the preponderant share of the closed list seats (1995) and the proportional representation (2000).

The study examines the results of the 1922 general elections on the basis of new research into so-far unexplored sources. One novelty of the present paper is that it compares these results to the already existing research on the field, and debates the arguments of other scholars discussing the topic. The study proves that besides the 140–143 mandates of the United Party (Egységes Párt), the government was also supported by approximately 30 members of the parliament. This altogether meant 170–173 Christian-conservative MPs. It really stood for the "Two-Third" parliamentary support of Bethlen's government. However, the paper also calls attention to the fact that the elections yielded this result not only because of the open ballot system of the rural areas, but also due to corruption and breaching of law in the sphere of civil service. Consequently, whoever praises the system of consolidation by István Bethlen's government, should also keep in mind that it was not based on universal suffrage and secret ballot that were deemed necessary in a modern parliamentary democracy.

This article sets out a conceptual basis for measuring Vojvodina's regional autonomy in Serbia's European perspective. Serbia is a potential candidate country for EU accession, implementation of the European Partnership (2008) will be examined through the mechanisms established under the stabilization and association process. In 2009, the Serbian Parliament ratified the new autonomy statute for Vojvodina. While the national government could not entirely close its eyes to the EU regionalization requirements the provincial government had the opportunity to express its demands. The Statute of Vojvodina was to set out the key principles that should underlie effective regional democracy, covering areas such as financial autonomy and legislative powers. Parallel with regional autonomy one sees the challenges of personal autonomy and Hungarian National Council in the sphere of freedoms relating to language, education and cross-border cooperation. The article concludes by examining measures of Hungary's national policy towards capacities of AP Vojvodina, aiming at faster integration of Serbia, and Hungarian minority communities living in the border area.

As a starting point, the study underlines that one cannot speak about a homogenous Slovak nation and politics in the middle of the 19th century; therefore, it gives an overview of the plebeian-middle-class movement, of its system of values, programme, and documents in 1848—1849, 1861, and in the period of the Compromise negotiations. Afterwards, it presents the nobility of Upper Hungary, with a Slovak mother tongue and ethnic feeling, who, according to its identity in the framework of the states, has belonged to the feudal Natio Hungarica. As the narrower focus of the study, the author takes the Slovak perspective and summarizes the ethnic dimensions of the activity of parliaments in 1861 and from 1865 on. The Slovak national movement could not send its own deputy, the interests of the Slavs of northern Hungary thus being represented by Adolf Dobriansky, born as a Ruthenian; however, the Nationalities Law, Art. 1868: XLIV. could be codified rather due to the mentioned Slovak-speaking nobility, standing behind the party of Ferenc Deák. Finally, we are provided a picture of the rival programmes of different newspapers that divided the Slovak public opinion, and in connection with the law we can read about their first reactions and experiences.