DPR-RI oversight in TNI (military) Business have very important role in forming of professional and reliable TNI, despitefully DPR-RI oversight also useful to link citizen priority and views in rule of policy and law in defence area. The purpose of this research is to analyze the oversight mechanism conducted by DPR-RI in the case of military business. Theory used by researcher in conducting this research is theory of parliamentary oversight, which is conducting through various mechanism which available in parliament, that is: passing debate mechanism; passing existence of commission; and through raised questions when in meeting. This research used qualitative method,and data research was obtained from primary and secondary data. Primary data was gained through observation and interview. Based on the research, the oversight mechanism have been run by first commission of DPR-RI was still weaken, on the other side the parliament (DPR) also lack in creating an effective oversight, where this matter because of some factors, such as: the lack of political willingness of parliamentary member, lack of positive supervision practices and the limited information had by DPR.
General Election (Pemilihan Umum/Umum) is an arena for political parties to fight for seats in parliament through various political campaign strategies they carry out. The success of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) Bandung City in obtaining the majority of 13 seats in the 2019 Election is an interesting political case to study. This study aims to describe and analyze the political marketing strategies that the legislative candidates from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) of Bandung City carry out. Using the marketing mix theory, this study looks at 4 dimensions, namely Product, Place, Price, and Promotion. A descriptive-qualitative approach is applied. This study conducts interviews with representatives of the former PKS candidates who were the members of the parliament of Bandung City in the period of 2019-2024. This study indicates that PKS candidates for the City of Bandung Parliament have succeeded in implementing a marketing mix strategy. They employ it effectively and efficiently and reach a wider and more inclusive segment. They also apply campaign narratives that are close to voter's needs through direct marketing strategies.
The new paradigma in the Law No. 32 Year 2004 on Regional Goverment still wants an equal relationship between the Local Government Council. The parallel relationship indicates that the position of Parliament and Locl Government is equality strong position. It was necessary in order to realize good governance (good governance), which is offset by an effective monitoring system and efficient through the mechanism of checks and balance. Good Governance ( Good Government ) is a government run by the norms or laws that govern them consistenly and responsibly in order to achieve the goal state that is based on the principle of transparent, accountable clean, honest and trustworthy. To realize good local governance, then the function Legislative Council in the exercise supervision over the implementation of the Local Government affairs is very important. Parliament's oversight includes decisions that are common outside of legislation such as the head of regional policy. Parliament as a body area legeslatif implement legislative function, budget and oversight. In conjunction with the oversight function, Parliement to supervise the implementation of the Local Government Supervision is essentially an act of judge / lest if something has been going according attempted repairs, the most important not to mistake happen again. Thus, it can be understood that the function of Parliament is an activity monitoring to assess the performance of duties as a de facto government within the framework of the creation of good local governance.
A paradigm friction performanc e in the Parliament, and especially in terms of oversight has been pushed to the prioritize for interests and needs of the peoples. And then function of Parliament is a demanding to the implementation of functions in accordance with the expectations of the nation and society. And it has been arrenged in the Constitution number 17 of 2014 about MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD, in this case the Parliament has already authority which is a form of representation of the people in area. That is problem to raised on my eassy is a about role. And then from the results obtained is a declare that is role and performance of Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands must perspective and be a mandate to take tasks that have been given from the people, and under the supervision performance of local government the represents of aspirations and must or should be a pro-people. And that is must to do a government can functionate like a effectively and efficiently. And that is factors are a barrier of Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands is a external factors that is come from outside of Parliament itself. And that conclusion in the supervision must be accordance with the aspirartions of the people and from the oustide Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands. ; A paradigm friction performanc e in the Parliament, and especially in terms of oversight has been pushed to the prioritize for interests and needs of the peoples. And then function of Parliament is a demanding to the implementation of functions in accordance with the expectations of the nation and society. And it has been arrenged in the Constitution number 17 of 2014 about MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD, in this case the Parliament has already authority which is a form of representation of the people in area. That is problem to raised on my eassy is a about role. And then from the results obtained is a declare that is role and performance of Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands must perspective and be a mandate to take tasks that have been given from the people, and under the supervision performance of local government the represents of aspirations and must or should be a pro-people. And that is must to do a government can functionate like a effectively and efficiently. And that is factors are a barrier of Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands is a external factors that is come from outside of Parliament itself. And that conclusion in the supervision must be accordance with the aspirartions of the people and from the oustide Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands.
democratically. Democratic elections can be carried out by Parliament or chosen directly bythe people. Regional Head Election by parliament or directly by the people supposed toinfluence the employee's career ASN. Formulation of the problem 1) How does the RegionalHead Election by Parliament of the ASN employee's career, 2) How Effect of local electionsdirectly against the employee's career ASN and 3) How does the influence of direct localelections according to Law No. 8 of 2015 to the ASN employee's career. This study usedsocio-juridical by running questionnaires and interviewed relevant officials. The resultsshowed local elections by Parliament does not affect the employee's career ASN and localelections directly affect employee career ASN. Besides, 88 percent of employee ASN chooseappointments structural system based on merit, 12 per cent chose the appointment system inthe structural position by the struggle in support of one candidate in the local elections.Keywords: The Effect, Election, Apparatus Civil Servants Career
The Indonesian Province of Aceh holds a special autonomy to have a local political party that is expected to promote the people's interests in Aceh. In this sense, the privileged autonomy should have to have a good governance performance. Nevertheless, it has not yet impacted significantly the performance of legislation. After the 2017 local election, two major local political parties dominate Aceh's provincial government, which discord with each other crucially that results in a divided government. This research aims to observe factors that take effect on the performance of legislation in the province of Aceh in the course of 2014 to 2018. This study employs qualitative methods. It reveals that in the legislation process, there is ineffective communication between the provincial government of Aceh and the local parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Aceh/DPRA) to legislate a local regulation called qanun. This phenomenon is also triggered by the dispute over the parliament, which is split between two major local political parties. With ineffective communication between the government and the parliament, they did not work optimally to legislate many bills in every one-year term. Divided government leads to the vacuum or unproductivity of elements of the provincial government.
One of the proposed local government regulations (Perda) proposed by the members of district parliament (DPRD) of the city of Serang is Perda number 1 year 2011 about the annual parking system in the side of public road which received records from the Ministry of Home Affairs and Ministry of Finance so that it could not be implemented in Serang City. The focus of this research is the implications of the unenactment of Perda number 1 year 2011 against the implementation of the local government of Serang. The research method used was qualitative with normative and juridical approach empirically. The results showed that Perda of Serang City initiative could not be enforced because it is contrary to the higher Perda. Its implications for the regional government of Serang City is the parliament of Serang was not working well in impelementing their legislation function.
United Nations as international organization issued an international convention to eliminate discrimination towards women, called CEDAW (Convention on Elimination of All Form of Discrimination Against Women). As the one of the nation that ratified the convention, Indonesia, adopted CEDAW articles that becomes UU RI No. 7 Tahun 1984. Indonesia agreed to prevent further discrimination towards women and implement all the policies written on those article. Unfortunately, the success and implementation of CEDAW is still doubtful, especially in political realm. The number of women political participation never reached 30% according to the affirmative action that is stated in Indonesian Constitution. The 2009 and 2014 general election showed that women's representation in parliament in still low and not having significant change. The success of CEDAW can be seen from women's political participation, measured by international indicator called GEM (Gender Empowerment Measure). GEM is used to measure shift and effectiveness of the implementation of CEDAW Convention in Indonesia, especially in political participation. This article concluded that CEDAW International Convention in political participation is not effective yet, considering the number of women in parliament not balanced with ratio of women citizen in Indonesia.
This paper aims to discuss the extent to which the influence of the military in the political system in Myanmar related to cases of prosecution of ethnic Rohingya in 2017. Myanmar's government through the military is considered to use violence and discrimination against Rohingya ethnic groups resulting in thousands of casualties and the ethnic Rohingya fled to neighboring countries. This research was conducted to assess the role of the military in the Myanmar government system because under the 2008 Constitution, the military had a seat of 25 percent in the Myanmar parliament and had a number of authorities in the political system. This can be considered as a trigger for the military's aggressiveness towards Rohingya because of military representatives who have existence in the Myanmar parliament. The author uses concordance theory and the concept of new professionalism of internal security and national development in analyzing related phenomena. The results of this study indicate the existence of military influence in the Myanmar government because under the constitution, the military controls three strategic departments, namely Defense, Internal Affairs and Border. The military also holds full control of the armed forces, police and security forces, thus demonstrating the military role in Myanmar's policies regarding prosecution of the ethnic minority Rohingya.
The research about the women parliament candidacy based on problems, theory, methodology and researchanalysis being utilized by the researcher aims at 1) unveiling affirmative action policy in accordance to the2003 Public Election regulation (UU) and the 2008 political party regulation that are suitable policy along withefforts to enhance women representativeness in parliament within regional autonomy framework; 2) elaboratingpolitical party supports towards quota fulfillment process of 30 percent in line with the 2009 public electionregulation; 3) describing and criticizing mass media roles in the process of the political communication of womencandidates of DKI Jakarta Province in 2009; 4) discovering and exploring quality of the political communicationof women candidates of DKI Jakarta Province 2009; 5) highlighting women efforts and struggles regarding theregulation of political quota and regional autonomy are so-called 'counter hegemony' movement. Paradigmused in the research is critical paradigm with Gramcsian analysis model. Theory and concept of this research areAntonio Gramcsi's thoughts; hegemony-counter hegemony, political network alliance, political communication,radical feminism, mass media in the New Marxist perspective (Gramcsian) and regional autonomy concept.The research uses qualitative approach with case study method and feminist research as well as equipped bymethod of the Gramcsian-Marxist analysis. Results and discussion of the research argue that women have beenundergoing marginalization both culturally and structurally in the political realm resulting in injustice of theirrepresentativeness in parliament. The notion becomes rooted in the social structure and system and has been goingas a cultural system which is patriarchy system. The women altogether have to establish and belong to a solidnetwork alliance to give pressure towards the government; those are in power and the state in order to transformconditions of women representativeness in parliament. They are therefore expected to have bargaining positionthat is balanced or even stronger with the state. The position is needed by women in that they can compete withmen and create broader opportunity by which they achieve it by the release of the 2009 political party regulationand the running of the regional autonomy regulation. In the Gramcsi's concept, the equality of bargaining positionbetween women movement, represented as civil society and the state represented as political community highlylikely produce conceptual/intellectual and practical clashes to establish new hegemony whose consequence isto prosper woman community and broader civil society as well as political community. In this phase, Gramcsinames it as 'counter hegemony' movement in which women can present themselves and bear new hegemony afterwinning the conceptual war against the old hegemony. The women's struggles to run candidacy of The 2009 DKIregional election took a form of 'counter hegemony'. The effort was undertaken so that the women can owe highbargaining position in politics that is influenced by the other power namely mass media. The need to supports ofmedia industry is inevitable. Media industry, as institution having capital ideology, might highly possible be usedby women movement/ the civil. In addition, women can take benefits from media to assist struggles of 'counterhegemony'. As a consequence, the women's struggles of counter hegemony are complicated to do due to partialand incomprehensive efforts. The women political candidates of DKI Jakarta possess resistant movement spirit orfighting movement to transform cultural values of patriarchy especially in politics. In this notion, it is evident thatemancipation ideology is not effective to strengthen the movement unless it is as communal vision and missionfrom elements of struggles that can produce women great energy to achieve their goals. The energy is no other than'collective will' considered as fighting ideology which is necessary therein fighting ideas of women have constantand significant energy.Keywords : regional autonomy, political communication, Gramcsian Analysis, women parliament candidacydkijakarta 2009)
The main topic of discussion in this journal is the application of the parliamentary threshold policy in the political system in Indonesia. The Parliamentary threshold is a minimum vote acquisition threshold that must be met by political parties participating in the elections to be able to place their legislative candidates in parliament. The juridical empirical research method is used for discussion, which includes the effectiveness and impact of the law. This study also aims to provide input or contribution of ideas to the central government in implementing the parliamentary threshold policy on political parties, so as to produce good governance (good governance) that is stable, effective and efficient. Based on the research results, it can be seen that there is a parliamentary threshold debate in the political system in the country regarding the threshold for national vote acquisition for political parties to be included in the calculation and distribution of DPR seats. In formal juridical terms, the parliamentary threshold debate in the party system in Indonesia is conducted based on the law on political parties and democratic principles. The application of the parliamentary threshold in the national political system is expected to be simplified. Simplifying the number of political parties in Indonesia needs to be done as an effort to improve the quality of political parties so that they can make better contributions to the development of national politics. In addition, party simplification is also carried out in order to facilitate political governance in parliament and to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of democratic and political processes both in parliament and in government. Therefore, simplifying the party is an alternative solution in improving the quality of democracy and government stability, which in the end is for the welfare of the people. ; Pokok pembahasan dalam Jurnal ini mengenai penerapan kebijakan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem politik di Indonesia. Parliamentary threshold merupakan ketentuan batas minimal perolehan suara yang harus dipenuhi Partai politik peserta pemilu untuk bisa menempatkan calon anggota legislatifnya di parlemen. Untuk pembahasannya digunakan metode penelitian yuridis empiris, yang meliputi efektifitas dan dampak hukum. Penelitian ini juga bertujuan untuk memberikan masukkan atau sumbangan pemikiran kepada pemerintah pusat dalam menerapkan kebijakan parliamentary threshold terhadap partai-partai politik, sehingga dapat menghasilkan pemerintahan yang baik (good governance) yang stabil, efektif dan efisien. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat diketahui adanya perdebatan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem politik di tanah air mengenai ambang batas perolehan suara nasional bagi partai politik untuk dapat diikutkan dalam penghitungan dan pembagian kursi DPR. Secara yuridis formal, perdebatan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem kepartaian di Indonesia dilakukan berdasarkan undang undang partai politik dan prinsip demokrasi. Penerapan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem politik ditanah air diharapkan adannya penyederhanaan. Penyederhanaan jumlah partai politik di Indonesia perlu dilakukan sebagai salah satu upaya meningkatkan kualitas partai politik sehingga bisa memberikan kontribusi yang lebih baik terhadap perkembangan politik nasional. Disamping itu pula penyederhanaan partai dilakukan dalam rangka mempermudah tata kelola politik di parlemen dan meningkatkan efektivitas dan efisiensi proses demokrasi dan politik baik di parlemen maupun di pemerintahan. Oleh karena itu, penyederhaan partai menjadi solusi alternatif dalam peningkatan kualitas demokrasi dan stabilitas pemerintahan, yang pada akhirnya untuk mensejahterakan rakyat
This article examines the political representation of women's quota required for both political party in the structure of the political party and legislative candidates in the 2014 election. The research mainly deals with question on how the implementation and obstacles of the women's quota for candidates are. Based on qualitative approach, the resultsof the study indicate that; first,the implementation of recruit-ment of executive board members by DPW PAN of East Java has been done through a closed mechanism, while the recruitment of legislative candidates washeldin an open mechanism. The quota representationis driven more by external motivation, namely regulatory of quota, rather than internal one, i.e. political awareness.Second, the difficulties in ful-filling the quota of women's representation of Parliament in DPW PAN of East Java have beencaused mainly by high political cost, low-level popularity, limitedness of female candidate'scapacity, and limitedness of social and political networking of the candidates.
politics is a gray area does not know which is right and falsehood. In the political world is not the technical term is "wrong" all the steps that must be "right" and "systematic" does not care whether the way is used hurt or benefit others. In the political world does not know friend or foe whom is eternally eternal interests. In this paper, Abu Ala Maududi is as one of fundamentalist leaders to write his thoughts on women in pakistan political activities that are not consistent in Mawdudi's view. Maududi never support a woman become president by supporting the candidacy of Fatimah Ali Jinnah became President of Pakistan, and on the other hand he states that women should only work in the domestic sector where she should not be working in the public sector, including the President and Parliament. This shows that the political purpose for anyone, including the interests of fundamentalist Mawdudi.
Reformation became an important moment of democratization in Indonesia. The two important political changes that occur in reformation era are the freedom to establish political parties and the electoral system. Such changes have an impact on the emergence of a coalition phenomenon in Indonesia, because general elections with multiparty systems are unable to produce a majority vote in parliament. This paper aims to map and analyze the dinamic of the political party coalition in Indonesia' presidential election in the reform era within coalition theories by Riker, Katz&Mair and Swaan. Using a qualitative approach and secondary data from media and literature, the main factor that influence the formation of coalitions in the presidential elections in the reform era is political pragmatism. It Political pragmatism makes political partiesparty politics as a cartel party that becomes the agent of the state and employ the resources of the state to ensure their party' survival. Pragmatism ultimately makes the ideology is not a binding factor in building a coalition, but simply to maximize power.
The concept of democracy in Indonesia actually has already exists at the grassroots level, which is in the village, and thus, to create democracy should be from the bottom. At this level, we would know how to create, strengthening, and consolidating democracy in regional even in national level. Hence, the core institution for democratization is the Village at the grassroots level. This case study research conducted in Sunyalangu Village, Central Java, Indonesia that is include to a poor village in Banyumas region and thus, it become a marginal village. I examine their political cultures on national general elections from 1971 to 2004 and the relationships between village's executive and legislative roles on the lowest level of democratization. This focus shows how empirical democracy created. The result of this research shows that their political cultures is inconsistence in elects their political parties and representatives because of personal needs and their moral economy to the political party. Moreover, the village government (local executive) is still dominates the relationship with local parliament (BPD) because of the institutional and geographical constraints at the grassroots level. The implication of this situation is to re-think the concept of democracy in grassroots level by creating the democracy culture.
