May 14 On the eve of his inauguration, Mr Hollande declared before the National Council PS: 'I no longer attend partisan instance and will not receive the Elysee has no parliamentary majority for [...] Although I am a socialist and. I intend to remain so. 'May 25. In an interview with Le Figaro Magazine, Fillon said: 'Since the departure of Nicolas Sarkozy, there is more to the UMP'. Adapted from the source document.
The history of presidential candidacies coincides with the history of the Fifth Republic: as the presidential trophy took central stage in political life, the parties were reorganized along a bipolar system, then the partisan alignments were slowly perturbed, the structuring power of the presidential election was weakened and a proportional system came to dominate the first round of the election. Adapted from the source document.
The matter of this article is to study the spreading of a modernizing rhetoric & managerial practices (introduction of "contracts of objective," ranking of the federations according to their results, promotion of the "responsabilization," use of the webmarketing) regarding the recruitment of "new members" by the UMP leaders. Rather than taking for granted the existence of a universal process of partisan "managerialization," this paper analyzes the social conditions of the introduction of these techniques. It reveals that their use has been an essential resource for elites struggling for the succession at the head of the party & eager to display their managerial competences & their ability to innovate & modernize the party. The recurrent exhibition of the UMP modernization should be understood as a double strategy of recognition & disqualification of the "old" partisan practices & by extension the "old" leaders of the party, which notably brings about local tensions. Tables. Adapted from the source document.
Résumé.Les études sur le comportement électoral au niveau municipal sont rares. Sont encore plus rares celles qui comparent les élections municipales avec celles d'un autre niveau. Cette recherche vise à combler ce vide, mais d'une manière particulière : nous nous intéressons aux gens qui choisissent de s'abstenir de façon sélective. Il s'agit donc de voir pourquoi certains votent lors des élections fédérales mais non lors des élections municipales, ou pourquoi une élection de « deuxième niveau » serait moins attirante qu'une élection de « premier niveau ». Cette question est examinée à l'aide d'un échantillon composé de jeunes montréalais ayant entre 19 et 31 ans. Quatre déterminants sont plus fortement liés à l'abstention sélective : l'identification partisane, l'enracinement local, l'intérêt pour la politique et l'utilisation des services municipaux.Abstract.Studies of electoral behaviour at the municipal level are rare. Even less frequent are those comparing behaviour in municipal elections and in elections at other levels of government. Our aim is to address this gap in the research, with particular interest paid to people who choose to abstain in a selective way. This study considers those who participate in federal elections but not in municipal elections. Stated alternatively, why might second-order elections be less attractive to voters than first-order elections? To address this question, we use a sample composed of young Montrealers aged 19 to 31. Four determinants were found to be important when explaining selective abstention : partisan identification, local attachment, political interest and use of municipal services.
Basing from the study of the FN, the MSI and the FIS, this article aims at proposing a sociological analysis of the creation of political parties and, then, at overcoming the bias of classical approaches which rarely deal with this phenomenon in itself and for itself. Leaving the outcome of their creation aside in order to better show the complexity and contingency of this process, we successively study the actors involved in the creation of the parties, their interactions into "pre-partisan" environment, their fights for the definition of the strategies, and the various operations related to the construction of political parties. Adapted from the source document.
This article leds on the hypothesis that a coalition can be considered as a proof during which normal rules and practices of activism are tested. Through the Italian case of the House of Freedoms (mainly composed by the Northern League, the National Alliance and Forza Italia) the ruling collation between 2001 and 2006, we explore the consequences of this kind of alliance on young activists, just as their party was joining the government. Focusing on the grass-roots enables us to underline that perception and use conditions of the coalition depend on a set of different factors which characterised each party: the importance of ideology, the type of partisan culture, the probability to access to electoral mandates for its members, the position of the party inside the coalition, the degree of professionalization and the proximity towards the practice of politics. If the impact of the coalitional configuration on the activities of the youth organisations is globally weak, on the contrary it affects the careers (and role conflicts associated to them) of their members, especially for those whose experiencing the most a contradiction between expected/real benefits from the coalition and their primary partisan socialization. Adapted from the source document.
Finding his starting point in the theories of Stein Rokkan, the author seeks better to conceptualize a problematic cultural area: southern Europe. In doing this, he privileges two lines of attack: On the one hand he bases his approach on a conceptual map of Europe, that is to say a model of macro-analysis that takes note of historical specificities in national state building. Later, he envisages a more general paradigm taking into account four fundamental cleavages. His use of this framework provides an interesting snapshot of the changes that have transformed partisan systems over the long term. Adapted from the source document.
Built on an in-depth analysis of the existing scientific literature, the article underscores the necessity to study whether or not candidate' evaluation by voters affects voting behavior - i.e. the candidate effect hypothesis- and particularly in the case of the French parliamentary elections, a least likely case study. Evidence drawn from a survey dedicated to this purpose during the parliamentary elections of June 2012 supports the hypothesis of a candidate effect in France, which has to be added to the explanatory factors usually used in the scientific literature. Beyond partisanship and ideology, candidates matter when citizens vote in parliamentary elections. Adapted from the source document.
We know very little of Hezbollah's municipal action, although 15% of Lebanese Municipal Councils are elected from their ranks. A preliminary examination of the question reveals how the mayors of the party must cooperate in their work of local management with numerous institutional frameworks: partisan, legal, and territorial. Three municipal councils directed by partisan cadres are presented here in order to demonstrate the priorities and values of municipal management in relation to the place it occupies in Islamic thought. The Hezbollah townships are fully invested with municipal councils that push a dynamic development action, supported by public and private networks as well as by regional and international donors. The values guiding local development -- professionalism and rationality -- are anchored in the preoccupation with efficacy and scientific knowledge; wishing to be inclusive, they prioritize social proximity and the input of women and the young. Islamism, when it exists, declines in the discourse of legitimation in favor of municipal labor and appears more as a morality justifying social action. The specificity of local management by Hezbollah is thus not associated with Islamic values but with strategies of mobilization that are proper to the consolidation of "the society of Resistance" of the party. Adapted from the source document.
This article, which introduces this special issue of Politix about Government coalitions, purposes a critical survey of the main studies in this active field of political sciences. In the first part, we show how coalition theory has been developed as (something of) a self-containing field of study since the pioneering works of William Riker. This work, which is marked by the influence of positivism and rational choice paradigm, has influenced most of the later coalition studies. Recently, many stimulating developments have taken into account new variables and refined the analysis in order to analyze coalition governance. In the second part, we argue that, despite this evolution, only a radical shift toward a sociological approach of coalitions enables to improve the knowledge on 'coalition life' and 'coalition governance'. The papers gathered in this Politix issue, based on various field studies, show that this sociological shift opens up new ways for research (subjective experience of coalition, coalitions inclination to autonomy). Adapted from the source document.
Examines the role of postmaterialism in the Quebecois Party & the Liberal Party, drawing on data from two mail surveys conducted 1993/94 (N = 563 & 694, respectively). An evaluation of the values of local leaders assessed the material & postmaterial profile of candidates, environmental roles of women & minorities, & redistribution of wealth. It is concluded that the two parties are distinguished by the proportion of incorporated postmaterialists & materialists. The Quebecois Party is identified as the party of desired change, representing the young generations & postmaterialist views, compared to the leaders & voters of the Liberal Party. 7 Tables, 1 Graph, 2 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.
The process of electoral redistricting in France is both little known and suspicious. Parliament was at first deprived of this procedure in favour of the government, but we are now witnessing its return in the process. The vision of a politicized and partisan procedure of electoral redistricting is very far from the complex reality of the procedure. The article puts it into perspective by taking into account the institutional constraints that govern electoral redistricting. It is based on interviews with the major actors of the procedure. Adapted from the source document.