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THIS ARTICLE PROPOSES A MODEL FOR THE SYSTEMATIC DEVELOPMENT OF ADULTS' PARTY IDENTIFICATION, BASED ON VOTERS' NEED FOR A WAY TO HANDLE DIFFICULT ELECTORAL DECISIONS. FIVE VARIABLES AFFECTING THE PRODUCTION OF PARTY IDENTIFICATION ARE NOTED AND THE MODEL IS PARTIALLY TESTED BY COHORT ANALYSIS OF U.S. ELECTIONS, 1952-76. IMPLICATIONS ARE DISCUSSED.

USING TIME SERIES DATA FROM 15 POST-WORLD WAR II CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS, A NINE-EQUATION SOCIAL INDICATORS MODEL OF AGGREGATE AMERICAN POLITICAL BEHAVIOR IS ESTIMATED. FINDINGS INDICATE THAT RELATIVELY SHORT-TERM SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS EXERT GREATER EFFECTS ON ELECTION OUTCOMES THAN DO LONG-TERM PARTISAN ALIGNMENTS.

An examination of the relationship between information flow & the stability of partisan att's, predicting that 'the magnitude of is between party identification & the actual vote for any election, being an index of the gross amount of defection from party, should vary within the pop as a direct function of pol'al comprehension or involvement.' This hypothesis is based on the conception of party identification as an 'inertia or momentum component which determines the partisan direction of any individual decision unless there are short-term forces in the immediate situation acting with sufficient strength in an opposite\ partisarn direction to deflect the momentum & shift the behavior.' The probability of defection from the party in any election 'varies directly as a function of the strength of shortterm forces toward the opposing party & varies inversely as a function of the mass of stored information about pol's.' These short-term forces depend on the flow of current information. Employing data collected in an independent nationwide sample re the 1952 election, confirmation of the hypothesis was found in that: 'the more remote the R was from the flow of information represented by the debates, the more stable his vote intention, despite the general r within the large set of watchers (80% of the pop) between partisan stability & pol'al involvement.' It is noted that current data do not support C. W. Mills' contention that 'prior to the incursions of the MM, people were more motivated to communicate informally about poi's.' Through the history of the US, as information has become more accessible, the number of perfectly stable voters has diminished & the amount of voting oscillation has increased. I. Taviss.

1 Introduction; Defining and Measuring Party-Building; Explaining Successful Party-Building: A Conflict-Centered Approach; The Centrality of Conflict; Organizational Inheritance; New Debates and Issues for Research; Democracy, Authoritarianism, and Party-Building; Party-Building and the State: A Double-Edged Sword?; The Role of Party Leaders; The Paradox of Populism; Structure of the Volume Part I Party-Voter Linkages and Challenges of Brand-Building2 Historical Timing, Political Cleavages, and Party-Building in Latin America; Linkages, Cleavages, and Party System Alignments; Critical Junctures and Party System Alignment; Programmatic (De)alignment and Party System Institutionalization in Comparative Perspective; Programmatic Alignments and Party System Stability; Conclusion; 3 Building Party Brands in Argentina and Brazil; Party Brands and Mass Partisanship; Building and Diluting the FREPASO Brand in Argentina; Building the PT Brand in Brazil Party Perceptions and Partisanship: Testing Individual-Level ExpectationsParty Brands, Timing, and the Success of New Parties; 4 Segmented Party-Voter Linkages; Sequencing Explanations of Party Origins and Consolidation; Linkage Segmentation and Harmonization: A Framework; Segmented Appeals in Unequal, Fragmented Societies; The Challenge of Harmonization; The Argument at Work: The Cases of Chile and Uruguay; The Case of the UDI; The Case of the FA; Comparing the Cases; Conclusion; Part II Challenges of Organization-.Building; 5 The Paradox of Adversity; The Argument: The Paradox of Adversity State, Media, and Incentives for Organization-BuildingMobilizing Structures and the Means for Organization-Building; Adversity and Activist Commitment; The Role of Authoritarianism; The Argument at Work: New Left Party Survival and Collapse in Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina; The PT in Brazil; PT Organization-Building: State, Media, and Mobilizing Structures; Selection Effects and Activist Commitment; Surviving Crisis in 1982; The Institutio

Background: Affective polarization and stigma toward individuals with schizophrenia and toward immigrants in Argentina are not new despite its importance and dissemination. However, no research has been conducted taking into consideration political partisanship and attitudes toward these groups. Aims: Political polarization and attitudes toward socialization across party lines are studied in conjunction with attitudes toward immigrants and toward individuals with schizophrenia. Method: Individuals from Buenos Aires ( n = 712) were surveyed for their political partisanship and their attitudes toward Peruvian and Bolivian immigrants, people with schizophrenia and partisans from the opposing political party. A modified version of the Bogardus scale was used. Results: Social distance was from highest to lowest toward people with schizophrenia, political opponents, and immigrants. Individuals with schizophrenia were strongly discriminated against by most participants: 86% would definitely or probably not want them to take care of their children, 83% would not want them to be their healthcare provider, and 81% would not want to marry them. Immigrants were comparatively not discriminated against: 10% would not want them to take care of their children, 8% would not want to receive health care from them, and 28% would not want to marry them. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner partisans showed the lowest level of discrimination toward these two groups, compared to Mauricio Macri partisans and to independent voters. However, the former group had greater discriminatory attitudes toward Mauricio Macri partisans than the latter. Conclusions: As compared to other discriminatory attitudes, discrimination toward persons with schizophrenia is widespread and pervasive. Lower levels of discrimination toward people with schizophrenia and toward immigrants would not predict attitudes toward the opposing political partisans.

In the late 17th and early 18th century, Ireland experienced a constitutional struggle in parliament, as well as the gradual development of a party system along the English partisan lines. Reflection of those events in the public sphere (primarily in the works of Molyneux and Swift) remains a popular research topic for Irish historians. This article attempts to look at the development of the Irish political system by examining poetic works in support of the chief governors of Ireland: lord lieutenants and lord justices of 1701–1714. Irish poems dedicated to governors were usually similar to English odes, which in turn were influenced by Abraham Cowley's Pindarics. Irish odes to lord lieutenants of 1701–1711 had significant genre similarities, and most of them were also similar in general means of representing the chief governor. It was of utmost importance for the authors to show the brilliant ancestry of the ode's hero; perhaps even more important for them was to show the similarity between the viceroy and the monarch, since the former was supposed to represent the latter. There were, however, significant differences between the odes, which were attributed to the shifting context of Irish politics. The odes of 1707 and 1711 are much more embedded in politics than the odes of 1701 and 1703: since at least 1707, the authors were more likely to include lord lieutenants in the context of Irish and British partisanship, while simultaneously emphasizing the loyalty of recipients to Queen Anne in her struggle against parties. The zenith of partisanship in Ireland coincides with the appearance of short poems with some features of an ode in 1710, which closely associate the figure of the lord lieutenant or lord justice with the Whigs or Tories.

Over thirty years ago, the Supreme Court in Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. commanded courts to uphold federal agency interpretations of ambiguous statutes as long as those interpretations are reasonable. This Chevron deference doctrine was based in part on the Court's desire to temper administrative law's political dynamics by vesting federal agencies, not courts, with primary authority to make policy judgments about ambiguous laws Congresscharged the agencies to administer. Despite this express objective, scholars such as Frank Cross, Emerson Tiller, and Cass Sunstein have empirically documented how politics influence circuit court review of agency statutory interpretations in a post-Chevron world. Among other .things, they have reported whistleblower and panel effects, in that ideologically diverse panels are less likely to be influenced by their partisan priors than ideologically uniform panels. Leveraging the most comprehensive dataset to date on Chevron deference in the circuit courts (more than 1,600 cases over eleven years), this Article explores administrative law's political dynamics. Contrary to prior, more limited studies, we find that legal doctrine (i.e., Chevron deference) has a powerful constraining effect on partisanship in judicial decisionmaking. To be sure, we still find some statistically significant results as to partisan influence. But the overall picture provides compelling evidence that the Chevron Court's objective to reduce partisan judicial decisionmaking has been quite effective. Also contrary to prior studies, we find no statistically significant whistleblower or panel effects. These findings have important implications for the current debate over the future of Chevron deference. Our findings identify a significant, overlooked cost of eliminating or narrowing Chevron deference: such reform could result in partisanship playing a larger role in judicial review of agency statutory interpretations

This dissertation consists of six self-contained chapters that are related to the behavior of firms and politicians in a broader sense. After an introduction to the topic, the first part of the dissertation elaborates on how institutional and political framework conditions influence the behavior of firms. Chapter 2 examines the determinants of inter vivos transfers of ownership in German family firms. Survey evidence indicates that owners of larger firms, and firms with strong current business conditions, transfer ownership at higher rates than others. Chapter 3 investigates how political uncertainty influences corporate investment decisions employing data on firms' self-reported investment realizations, plans and revisions. The results show that realized investment ratios decreased in years when state elections occurred relative to the average investment ratio in years with no state election. Firms however seem to anticipate electoral uncertainty already when making investment plans and hardly revise their plans. Chapter 4 examines whether political uncertainty influences how firm owners perceive their present state and future development of business. The results show that firm owners expect their business to develop better before state elections and worse after state elections. The second part of this dissertation investigates how partisanship and self-interest of politicians shape their ethos and behavior. Chapter 5 describes how partisanship shapes the attitudes and actions of politicians in Germany. The results show that German state politicians' and governments' words differed from actions regarding budget consolidation and the German debt brake. Chapter 6 examines whether parties punish politicians who vote against the party line in roll-call votes. The results do not show that parties account for the voting behavior by punishing politicians who have voted against the party line.

This dissertation consists of six self-contained chapters that are related to the behavior of firms and politicians in a broader sense. After an introduction to the topic, the first part of the dissertation elaborates on how institutional and political framework conditions influence the behavior of firms. Chapter 2 examines the determinants of inter vivos transfers of ownership in German family firms. Survey evidence indicates that owners of larger firms, and firms with strong current business conditions, transfer ownership at higher rates than others. Chapter 3 investigates how political uncertainty influences corporate investment decisions employing data on firms' self-reported investment realizations, plans and revisions. The results show that realized investment ratios decreased in years when state elections occurred relative to the average investment ratio in years with no state election. Firms however seem to anticipate electoral uncertainty already when making investment plans and hardly revise their plans. Chapter 4 examines whether political uncertainty influences how firm owners perceive their present state and future development of business. The results show that firm owners expect their business to develop better before state elections and worse after state elections. The second part of this dissertation investigates how partisanship and self-interest of politicians shape their ethos and behavior. Chapter 5 describes how partisanship shapes the attitudes and actions of politicians in Germany. The results show that German state politicians' and governments' words differed from actions regarding budget consolidation and the German debt brake. Chapter 6 examines whether parties punish politicians who vote against the party line in roll-call votes. The results do not show that parties account for the voting behavior by punishing politicians who have voted against the party line.

This article focuses on the impact of morality politics and issue framing on attitudes toward same-sex marriage. The comparative data come from California surveys by the Public Policy Institute of California and national surveys by the Pew Research Center and the National Opinion Research Center between 2005 and 2013. Issue framing has played a critical role in the debate on same-sex marriage. Same-sex marriage appears driven by issue framing about morality politics, which, unlike other policy arenas characterized by high information costs and limited access, features conflict over fundamental values. Much of the debate has turned on a conflict between traditional morality and equality. The rise of competitive issue frames suggests that political conflict and public attitudes toward same-sex marriage should reflect, at least in part, the factors noted by Haider and Markel: ideology, party competitiveness, and partisanship. Support for same-sex marriage has increased in both the U.S. and California, although support is stronger in California by about five percent. Using logistic regression, the strongest direct explanatory factors were similar to those at the U.S. level: partisanship, ideology, Protestant religious affiliation, and whether the respondent classified him or herself as born again. A range of demographic, political, social, regional, and time factors has also had a significant effect on support. The relevant influence of the factors was virtually identical in both California and at the national level with the correlation between the changes in odds ratios for the two analyses reaching 0.97. Overall, increased support for same-sex marriage appears to be a permanent shift in the political landscape and reflects a shift in the dominant issue frame of the policy debate.

Este artículo reconstruye, desde el marco de los estudios de recepción, la conformación y posterior fractura de un círculo de psiquiatras pavlovianos dentro del comunismo argentino. Se analiza el surgimiento de este círculo, cómo fueron apropiados los saberes clínicos de psiquiatras soviéticos y franceses, la construcción de modelos psicoterapéuticos idiosincráticos en función de la competencia con otras corrientes psiquiátricas locales, así como las divergencias producidas por las diferentes interpretaciones sobre los alcances del pavlovismo. Se destaca el cruce de valores episté- micos y políticos en el intento de conformar una psicoterapia consistente con las premisas del marxismo-leninismo y el partidismo comunista. ; Esse artículo reconstruí, desde o marco dos estudos da recepção, a conformação e a posterior fratura de um circulo de psiquiatras pavlovianos no interior do comunismo argentino. Analisa-se o surgimento desse círculo, como foram apropriados os saberes clínicos dos psiquiatras soviéticos e franceses, a construção de modelos psicoterapêuticos idiossincráticos em função da concorrência com outras correntes psiquiátricas locais, assim como as divergências produzidas pelas diferentes interpretações sobre os alcances do pavlovismo. Destaca-se o cruzamento dos valores epistémicos e políticos na tentativa de conformar uma psicoterapia consistente com as premissas do marxismo-leninismo e o partido comunista. ; This article reconstructs, from the frame of reception studies, the creation and later fracture of a pavlovian psychiatric circle within Argentinian communism. The emergence of this circle, the appropriation of Soviet and French psychiatric clinical knowledge, and the construction of idiosyncratic psychotherapeutic models depending on other competing local psychiatric schools are analyzed, as well as the divergences resulting from different interpretations of the scope of pavlovism. The intersection between epistemic and political values in the effort to construct a psychotherapy consistent with the premises of Marxism-Leninism and Communist partisanship is emphasized.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Preface -- 1 Political Attitudes in Venezuela: Problems and Prospects -- 2 The Social Context of Political Opinion -- 3 The Social Context of Political Experience -- 4 Cultural Diversity and Political Cleavages, I: The Community Context -- 5 Cultural Diversity and Political Cleavages, II: The Ideological Connection -- 6 Partisanship in Venezuelan Politics -- 7 Summary and Conclusions -- Appendix A. The Research Design -- Appendix B. The Questionnaire -- Appendix C. Estimation of Social Class Status -- Appendix D. Note on the Use of Regression Analysis -- Appendix E. Note on Inference Making from Multiple-Range (one-way analysis of variance) Tests -- Appendix F. Scales and Indices -- Appendix G. Note on the Use of Multidimensional Scaling -- Notes -- Subject Index -- Author Index

"The history and future of our democracy's ultimate sanction, presidential impeachment, and a guide to how it should be used now To End a Presidency addresses one of today's most urgent questions: when and whether to impeach a president. Laurence Tribe and Joshua Matz provide an authoritative guide to impeachment's past and a bold argument about its proper role today. In an era of expansive presidential power and intense partisanship, we must rethink impeachment for the twenty-first century. Of impeachments, one Constitutional Convention delegate declared, "A good magistrate will not fear them. A bad one will be kept in fear of them." To End a Presidency is an essential book for all Americans seeking to understand how this crucial but fearsome power should be exercised"--

Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- The Men and the Symbols -- The Televised Past -- The Romance of the Market -- Fighting for the West (written with Jon Wiener) -- The Education of Richard Hofstadter -- Time for a Third Reconstruction -- Hiring Quotas for White Males Only -- The Great Divide -- Our Monumental Mistakes -- Rebel Yell -- Shedding Lincoln's Mantle -- Partisanship Rules -- Southern Comfort -- The Most Patriotic Act -- Changing History -- None Dare Call It Treason -- Lincoln's Antiwar Record -- Our Lincoln -- The Professional -- Zinn's Critical History -- Twisting History in Texas -- Remembering Eric Hobsbawm -- The Civil War in "Postracial" America -- Warped History -- An American Birthright -- Letter to Bernie -- Teaching the History of American Radicalism in the Age of Obama -- A Usable Past: An Interview -- Index -- Back Cover

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- PART I: Partisan Poison -- ONE: American Tribalism -- TWO: The Disappearing Dream -- PART II: Reforming the Election System -- THREE: Reclaiming Our Democracy -- FOUR: Drawing a Line in the Sand -- FIVE: The Money Stream -- PART III: Reforming the Governing System -- SIX: Government Leaders, Not Party Leaders -- SEVEN: Debate and Democracy -- EIGHT: Rearrange the Furniture -- NINE: Rivals, Not Enemies -- TEN: The Partisan Presidency -- ELEVEN: Declarations of Independence -- PART IV: A New Politics -- TWELVE: Beyond Partisanship -- THIRTEEN: The Way Forward -- Appendix: Citizen Initiative Information by State -- Notes -- Suggested Reading -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z.