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Partisanship structures mass politics by shaping the votes, policy views, and political perceptions of ordinary people. Even so, substantial shifts in partisanship can occur when elites signal clear differences on a political issue and attentive citizens update their views of party reputations. Mismatched partisans who strongly care about the issue respond by changing parties in a process of "issue evolution" when writ large. Others simply update their views to match their party in a "conflict extension" process. We build on these models by integrating the largely separate research strands of party issue ownership. Using sexual misconduct as a critical case study, we argue that partisan change can occur rapidly when party elites move strategically to take ownership of an issue, thereby clarifying differences between the parties. Using a quasi-experiment, a survey experiment, and data from dozens of national surveys, we find recent, rapid shifts in party reputations on #MeToo, views of the issue, party votes, and broader party support.

This paper discusses the epistemic value of political parties and other partisan associations from the standpoint of epistemic democracy. It examines whether political parties contribute to the quality of democratic deliberation, thus increasing the epistemic value of democratic decisionmaking procedures, or represent a threat that polarizes the society and impedes and distorts the public deliberation. The paper introduces several arguments that support the epistemic value of partisanship. Partisan associations empower otherwise marginalized social groups or groups that have disproportionally small political influence by facilitating political education or by connecting citizens and experts who share the same values. Partisan associations also help us resist the epistemically damaging effects of hermeneutical (epistemic) injustice by enabling marginalized citizens to construct alternative discourses. However, though partisanship might facilitate the transmission of knowledge, this deliberative tool will only be used in a group of like-minded citizens (i.e. within a political party), thus increasing the polarization between the parties and citizens alike, and decreasing the epistemic value of such collective decision-making procedures. The paper analyses some epistemic strategies (like red-teaming or building a critical thinking culture) that can help us avoid or (at least) reduce the epistemically damaging effects of polarization. However, internal action (from within a deliberative group) might not be enough. Making the deliberation on political issues public and spreading it through different forms of citizens' organizations will ensure that political deliberation is not closed within a single homogenous deliberating group (i.e. the party). These practices should significantly reduce the damaging effects of group polarization.

THE 1980 AND 1982 AMERICAN NATIONAL ELECTION STUDIES INCLUDE A NEW SERIES OF QUESTIONS ABOUT INDIVIDUAL PARTISANSHIP. IT IS POSSIBLE TO CREATE A 5-POINT SCALE OF PARTY SUPPORT/ CLOSENESS FROM THESE QUESTIONS. THE NEW MEASURE PERFORMS REASONABLY AS REGARDS ITS RELATIONSHIP TO OTHER MEASURES OF PARTSANSHIP TO ITS OWN OVER TIME, AND TO DEPENDENT BEHAVIOR. THERE IS ALSO A NEW QUESTION ON INDEPENDENCE. BUT THIS IS BEST TREATED AS A SEPARATE ITEM RATHER THAN BEING INCORPORATED IN THE PARTY SUPPORT/CLOSENESS SCALE. THE NEW MEASURE ALSO PERFORMS WELL IN MEASURING STRENGTH OF PARTISANSHIP.

This study aimed to determine whether or not a correlation between independent expenditure levels and political partisanship in the US House of Representatives exists, using the Congressional sessions from before and after the Citizens United decision to determine if the decision had any effect on political partisanship. Multiple factors were tested to determine levels of correlation and to adjust for any potential exasperating factors. The study concluded that a very strong correlation exists between aggregate levels of independent expenditures and distance between average levels of partisanship for the parties. However, no causal relationship could be established from the data alone, though the causal mechanism was hypothesized for further research.

THE EXTENT OF INTERGENEPATHLONAL PARTISAN TRANSFER IN WEST GERMANY WITH THE IMPACT OF SOCIOEONOMIC AND DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS IS DEALT WITH. FAMILY SOCIALIZATION EXPWERIENCES EFFECT ON THE TRANSMISSION OF PARENTAL PARTISANSHIP ARE DISCUSSED.