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In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 80, Heft 4, S. 1483-1494
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: Polis: the journal for ancient greek political thought, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 208-232
ISSN: 2051-2996
This paper develops and defends a new interpretation of Aristotle's conception of democratic and oligarchic identity. Rejecting interpretations that ground partisan identities in class, greed, or conceptions of justice, this interpretation posits that Aristotle thought of democrats and oligarchs as being defined by the confluence of four distinct traits: (1) having an incorrect conception of happiness, (2) having an incorrect conception of political desert, (3) suffering from an emotional defect, and (4) habitually inferring equality/inequality in all respects from one respect. The argument for this interpretation is that it best explains why Aristotle attributes a despotic attitude to partisans and it explains why democrats and oligarchs are depicted as being unstintingly hostile towards one another. The paper concludes by arguing that Aristotle chose these four traits in order to show that partisans are citizens who devote themselves to a life of discriminatory elitism.
In: Political geography quarterly, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 97-109
ISSN: 0260-9827
In: Political geography quarterly, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 97
ISSN: 0260-9827
(Thesis) Thesis--University of Florida. ; (Bibliography) Bibliography: leaves 132-136. ; Typescript. ; Vita. ; (Statement of Responsibility) by Margaret Allen Aiesi.
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In: International area studies review: IASR, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 235-251
ISSN: 2049-1123
This paper aims to highlight the role of clientelism in the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) electoral dominance in Turkish politics. Based on intensive fieldwork in Istanbul's one of the poorest and conservative districts of Bağcılar, it argues that the expansion of clientelist networks under the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi government has twofold ramifications, which in turn have reproduced the cycle of dominance. First, it strengthened clients' partisan identification. Second, it changed clients' ideology such that they became less resistant to or even supportive of neoliberal reforms that extensively undermined their well-being.
It is a truism that public school teachers should not take partisan stands in the classroom in ways that discourage students from considering or adopting alternative reasonable perspectives. At least three arguments support this widespread belief. (DIPF/Orig.)
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In: The Meaning of Partisanship, S. 76-100
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association, Band 62, Heft 1, S. 29-41
ISSN: 1065-9129
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 179-196
ISSN: 1460-3683
Party identification, the psychological bond between citizens and a political party, is one of the central variables in understanding political behavior. This article argues that such party ties are also a measure of party system institutionalization from the standpoint of the public. We apply Converse's model of partisan learning to 36 nations surveyed as part of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. We find that electoral experience and parental socialization are strong sources of partisanship, but the third-wave democracies also display evidence of latent socialization carried over from the old regime. The results suggest that party identities can develop in new democracies if the party system creates the conditions to develop these bonds.
In: International politics: a journal of transnational issues and global problems, Band 59, Heft 5, S. 925-954
ISSN: 1740-3898
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