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This is a video of Joan Tronto's Keynote address at the Sexual Contract: 30 Years On conference held at the School of Law and Politics, Cardiff University on 10-11 May 2018.In her address, Tronto begins with Carole Pateman's insight in The Sexual Contract (1988) about the incapacity of contract to produce freedom and equality, and considers the possibilities for an alternative organisation of human relations based on care ethics. She observes that in the years since the publication of The Sexual Contract, neoliberalism has resulted in a rewriting of the sexual contract. Under neoliberalism, the entry of women into the labour market, the full commodification of women's work and increasing economic disparities between men have resulted in some women becoming 'honorary individuals', substantially autonomous of men, with the consequent disruption of both men's political and sexual domination of women. This process has, in turn, given rise to a violent, misogynist and antidemocratic backlash in the form of neopopulism, in which men who have lost out economically feel a sense of deprivation, blame women, and seek a return to earlier forms of patriarchal domination. Against this background, she argues, care ethics provides a means of rethinking democratic commitments. A more just allocation of caring responsibilities could lead to a caring democracy without a return to gender subordination.

Much demographic research implicitly or explicitly views family changes over the past half century as examples of the "pathology of matriarchy" first raised in Moynihan's 1965 report on The Negro Family: The Case for National Action. The basis of this perspective is the correlation between female-headed families and negative outcomes for children. Yet the magnitude of family changes and any ill-effects vary across social groups within their cultural, economic, and political contexts. By reviewing the research on family, market, and policy changes over the past half-century with this in mind, I argue that the pattern of group variation does not point to an inherent pathology of matriarchy because the differences in life chances across family types are minimized where institutional arrangements support greater gender (and class) equality. In fact, the gendered responses to the inter-related family, market, and state institutional changes suggest instead it is a growing pathology of patriarchy disproportionately hurting the life chances of boys and men in post-industrial societies. Only with full gender equality in states, markets, and families will the pathology recede.

This paper elucidates the issues regarding violence against women also termed as gender based violence, in its magnitude and its physical and psychological impact on them. Violence against women is the manifestation of gender inequality which also reflects the psyche of patriarchy to maintain unequal balance of power. The marginalisation and subjugation of women throughout ages have made them vulnerable and victim in the hands of the ruling patriarchy. The gender based violence includes horrendous crimes such as rape, domestic violence, female foeticide, dowry deaths, trafficking, acid attacks, honour killing (the list is not exhaustive) by the potential perpetrators under the mask of spouse, father, brother, son, friend and so on. The paper also unravels that men in power become the biggest perpetrators committing serious crimes against women and leave them helpless and hapless. The heinous crimes leave deep impact on the women psyche thus violating her most basic right to live. Lack of social support, slow legal procedures, and poor laws contribute to the misery of the victim thus making women empowerment a distant dream. The society where half of its population is living under threat could be anything but civilized.

Theories concerning the state sometimes treat it as a rational system. This paper raises questions about this assumption by examining the coherence of the ideological frameworks underlying state policies in Singapore. The contradictions are shown most clearly when state policies deal with gender issues, especially where they concern women. Through an examination of such policies, we show that, under some conditions, state patriarchy may be subverted by the state's capitalistic developmental considerations. We are aware that patriarchy does not stand or fall by state policies alone, but the following article illustrates how such policies can limit the space for negotiation so that it becomes even more difficult for women (and men) to break out of patriarchy. In general, writings about women and the state in Asia have focused on three possible ways of examining the relationship between women and the state— namely, the state as a prime locus of patriarchal power; the contradictions within the state on gender issues; and the ways in which feminists can infiltrate the state and influence its policies (see Blackburn 1994). In this paper, our intention is to focus on women and the Singapore state by considering some state policies that impact on women's lives directly or indirectly, and how these policies have changed or persisted through the years since Singapore's independence in 1965.

[Extract] The head of the government's curriculum review, Kevin Donnelly, said yesterday that corporal punishment in schools was an effective way of disciplining children. The conversation continued, leading to the implication that Donnelly is not averse to reintroducing corporal punishment into Australian schools. Australia is a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Australia therefore has obligations to protect children from violence or abuse, by their parents or anyone caring for them (article 19); and discipline in schools should respect children's human dignity (article 28). There is no overarching statute however that implements the provisions of this Convention and regulation of schools and criminal laws that may apply, are left to the states. A number of news outlets have conveniently summarised the legal framework on corporal punishment in schools - see eg Crikey's explainer. There seem to be examples in both West Australia and Queensland where corporal punishment is integral to some schools' program - including in one reported case, the requirement for parents to accept corrective punishment as a condition of enrolling their child. For a government appointee ostensibly holding expertise in education and charged with advising government on matters of education, these comments and their implication are concerning. This is so despite Minister Pyne's rejection of the idea. What these views really tell us about the state of play in Australia at the moment is the resurgence of patriarchal views and patriarchal control. These views are apparent, for example, in the government's discourse around 'lifting and leaning'. Donnelly's views play into this discourse. I'm interested in this post to explore the way in which this patriarchal attitude underpins support for corporal punishment in schools, and the lack of logic in Donnelly's ideas.

Abortion in Malta is a taboo. Abortion in Malta is a crime. Abortion in Malta is a sin. Women who perform abortion in Malta are breaking barriers, the barriers of patriarchy. Historically, birth control has always been socially regulated. Radical feminists have indeed emphasised the control of women's reproductive role and how this is defined and controlled as being the root of patriarchal oppression. Since the emergence of the feminist movement, the right of access to effective and safe contraception, including the right to abortion on demand, has been a focal point around which many campaigns have been fought. There has however been strong resistance to demands for women's right to control their own bodies, with abortion on demand as of right. Traditionally, the state, religion, and the medical profession have been pivotal agents in controlling access to safe abortion and instilling the discourse that it is criminal, sinful and abnormal. Nonetheless, women have always performed abortions by any means necessary regardless of restrictive legislation, religious dogma, and medical provision, often at considerable risk to their own health and lives. Consequently, this paper will provide an analysis of the social control of abortion in Malta through examining the medico-legal-moral discourse on the issue and the experiences of women who defied and broke through the barriers of this patriarchal control. ; peer-reviewed

Purpose: The State of Qatar has widely sought to include women in public life and has implemented several policies in order to improve gender equality in the workforce and fair distribution of development benefits. This study establishes how far the State of Qatar has achieved the equality of women in the workplace, since the initiation of new reform policies and agendas of modernisation in 1995. Qatari women in leadership positions still face major challenges in relation to cultural limitations and organisational constraints; these areas need to be further developed to improve the degree of gender equality and close the wide gap between the two genders in terms of economic rights and equal opportunities in the labour force. Methodology: This paper uses semi-structured interviews which were conducted with twenty-five women aged all of whom held senior management positions in a range of civil society and public sector organisations in Qatar at the time of the interview. The twenty-five participants who participated in the study ranged in age from 34 to 61 years. Main Findings: The findings suggest that Qatari women are helped by two forces: the support they are getting from the ruling family and the impact of reforms and social change in surrounding regions. Indeed, the slow pace of social reform is one of the common complaints of progressives. Implications/Applications: Therefore, focused, procedural steps should be taken to enforce adherence to frameworks by governmental institutions and to amend existing legislation to tackle the challenges faced by women. These steps include implementing some social policy recommendations in terms of establishing and funding women's civil society organisations, integrating an evaluation and monitoring system in governmental organisations, promoting work/family policies, and initiating a feminisation policy in government organisations.

This work interrogates a triangulate dialogic space featuring neo-patriarchy and feminism - both with arguments contextualized in patriarchy. Feminism theorizes the equality of the socio-economic and political rights of the sexes. Neopatriarchy, the marginal but increasingly visible aspect of the political discourses championed by women, is not opposed to women's empowerment, but emphasizes the preference for men as politically imperative. It deconstructs feminism and asserts that patriarchy still operates a significant knowledge production and distribution center. Using the dialog theory within the framework of the neoliberal epistemic structures, the premises of the two arguments, their sequence of argumentation and conclusions are discussed in the Nigerian context. A focus on the strength of the arguments shows a higher burden of proof on the side of the female neo-patriarchs. Moreover, their goals, rules of procedure, dialog tactics, commitments and theirinstitutional backings are not discernible unlike those of the feminists. Ad hominem trace is seen when the neo-patriarchy's argument for women's empowerment and the dialogists' interests are juxtaposed.Keywords: Patriarchy, neo-patriarchy, Dialog Theory, Gender, Politics, ad hominem, Nigeria.

Imprisonment in Australia has been a growing industry and large numbers of vulnerable people find themselves in a state of serial incarceration. Women and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in particular have experienced rapidly expanding imprisonment rates over recent decades. Our argument is this article is relatively straightforward: to understand contemporary penal culture and in particular its severity and excess in relation to Indigenous people and women, we need to draw upon an understanding of the dynamics of colonial patriarchy. Although at a micro level, specific legislation and policy changes have negatively impacted on the imprisonment of vulnerable groups, it is within a broader context of the strategies and techniques of colonial patriarchy that we can understand why it is that particular social groups appear to become the targets of penal excess.

This paper explores Taslima Nasrin's novel Lajja from the perspective of intersectionality through the portrayal of female characters as religion and patriarchy have subjugated them in Bangladesh. Intersectionality crystalizes the dynamics of female issues regarding the tutelage that society and other institutions create for them. In the novel, the author tries to reflect these issues of intersectionalty regarding freedom of expression for both women and people in minorities and the problem of identity crises they suffer. Likewise, the religious as well as political conflicts impede the minorities group to feel liberate and find their identity. The reason behind this can be justified because the novel was banned and a fatwa was issued against Nasrin. Mainly, the focus is on how the religious and social confinements for the women and people from marginalized group made their voices unheard. This situation makes women rebel against male chauvinism and religious fanatics. As a qualitative review article, it reviews some articles relevant to Nasrin and her novel as secondary sources, her novel as primary source applying an intersectional approach, through the study of feminism and religious fanaticism as methodological tools.

Many women and children suffer in silence in cultures where patriarchy is condoned and defended as the natural order of things. The inferior status ascribed women and children where patriarchy is imbued as hypernormative, render them vulnerable to contracting the HI-virus as the case study cited here reveals. While government and civil society, including the church, sometimes react when violence against women and/or children end in the victim of violence being killed, the argument made here is that a pro-active response may go a long way such as addressing the patriarchy of our (Christian) faith.

The present paper aims to capture the position of a woman in male dominated culture and how she is owned as property in Mahasweta Devi's short story "Draupadi". In this story she raises her voice against the Indian feudalism and talks about the ingratitude of government. There are three stories in Breast stories translated by Gayatri Chakravarty Spivak named "Draupadi", "Breast Giver" And "Behind the Bodice." All these stories have a theme of exploitation and patriarchy. In Draupadi, Devi speaks about the violence faced by its protagonist Dopdi Mejhen.

Exclusion in modern post-colonial world showcases many facets. It permeates in the name of race, sex, region, color, religion, class, caste, age; even physical and mental challenges in abilities. Around the world, societies grapple with the challenges posed by the complexity of exclusion exhibiting social, economic, political, cultural, legal, psychological nature. Exclusion as a process, as a ‗product' and as a perspective continues to challenge the pace, direction, nature, opportunities and outcomes of development. Exclusion finds a forceful agency in Patriarchy. Patriarchy, like exclusion, is multi-dimensional, multi-contextual, and dynamic with multi-cultural manifestations across social institutions namely family, religion, education, economy, politics and media. Patriarchy at its root refers to 'rule by father or man'; signifying the multi-faceted nature of male power; a system of male dominance over women, children and even other men of weaker status socially, economically or politically. Patriarchy lends itself expediently to the many forces of exclusion in society thereby proliferate potent perils to sustainable development and social justice. Women continue to be the most excluded, discriminated and marginalized segment of the society; more so Indian rural women. Patriarchy limits women's equal access and control over freedom, livelihood, land, labor, and even dictates their aspirations posing serious threat to women empowerment, gender equality and development. The empirical study involves rural women in dairy cooperatives of Mysore district in India. Comprehensive pre-tested questionnaire was used for primary data collection along with field observations. The paper examines patriarchy as an agency of social exclusion through the study of women's participation, expression and decision-making at multi-levels namely family, cooperatives and village.

The Post-colonial theorists such as Homi Bhabha, Edward Said, Paul Gilory and Ashcroft observe that the colonial ideologies were used to dehumanize and marginalize women. Women of the colonized society were treated as the "other". Spivak discusses this issue in her essay: " Can the Subaltern Speak?",and highlights the marginalized status of women of the native society. Partition was an unprecedented political event; millions of people became homeless, innumerable women were widowed, raped and killed as there was no law and order. In this paper the efforts are made to depict the role of patriarchy in promoting the sexual oppression of women in Pakistan. Bapsi Sidhwa is modern feminist of Pakistan who raises the cry of women in her novels 'Cracking India' and 'The Pakistani Bride'. The dilemmas of the colonized women and their traumatic experiences are the main research area in this research paper.

In this article polygyny is used to illustrate how the ideal of benevolent patriarchy and the"good" Muslim man as the benevolent patriarch tends to create a discrepancy between thelegal and the moral in Islamic legislation as well as in Islamic discourse. The study is basedon fieldwork in the West Bank in 2011 when 49 Islamist and Islamic-oriented women wereinterviewed. The main finding of this study is that Islamist women tend to accept theIslamic gender system as the divine will, and they also accept its legal expression, PersonalStatus Law. However, there is a little awareness of the lack of legal consequences for menwho do not behave according to the moral code, which is not explicitly but only implicitlyassumed in the law.