Suchergebnisse

The author examines the peculiarities of the process of post-conflict reconciliation and peacebuilding in Rwanda, determines the role of international and local justice in the post-conflict reconciliation and punishment of perpetrators of mass genocide, identifies features of state policy to eliminate genocide and restore justice. Using historical, analytical and comparative methods, the author concludes that gachacha tribunals as a means of restorative justice have helped to restore trust and social harmony in Rwandan society, to regenerate its value and cultural matrix. The study found that in order to build positive peace, governance decisions and actions on the population in all spheres of public life contained a peacekeeping context, and the government worked to protect Rwandan society from a recurrence of future conflict. The findings found Rwandan's peace-building strategy to be effective because, following a large-scale genocide, a policy of national unity and reconciliation was pursued to build a united nation, restore peace and justice, good governance and economic development.

Under the conditions of Russian aggression against Ukraine, the peculiarities of peace building and the prospects of post-conflict reconciliation on the post-Soviet space are significant today. The main objectives of the study are: to identify the peculiarities of peace building initiatives in the zones of now frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet area, to determine the directions and mechanism of successful peace building, and to propose effective steps and elements of the strategy of post-conflict reconciliation. By applying systematic, analytical and comparative methods, the author justifies the necessity of forming a comprehensive strategy of post-conflict reconciliation in each of the zones of conflict interaction in the post-Soviet space. As a result of the study, the author determines the peaceful settlement and restoration of justice as the main directions of successful peace building in the zones of fractious conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the mechanism of which must include elements of the strategy of post-conflict reconciliation in the zones of frozen conflicts. It is revealed that peace building initiatives will form a world-view, value, and regulatory-administrative platform for effective and successful post-conflict reconciliation. The conclusions provide such effective steps for successful peace building, and in the long run–post-conflict reconciliation: the achievement of peace agreements between the warring parties; a package of measures for disarmament and the return to peaceful life of members of illegal armed groups; the formation of adequate election and party systems; the consolidation of democracy in general and the means to prevent a recurrence of conflict in the future. At the same time, the author concludes that post-conflict reconciliation in a frozen conflict is not fully feasible, since some of the basic measures needed for effective post-conflict building and reconciliation are technically difficult or impossible to implement at all. The author's finding is the outline of the ...

The efforts of states to overcome conflicts in the world are marked by the formation of theoretical and practical approaches to solving the problems of peace. At the same time, Western countries' interventions in the social, political, and economic currents of the life of conflict societies often have mixed effects and have unforeseen consequences, and often become even a waste of resources.The purpose of the article is to identify the features of «liberal peace» as a concept and peacekeeping practice. An element of the liberal peace is the liberal consensus, when the main political and social forces have a one-vector vision of the dynamics towards peace. A similar approach, where the UN asa key international actor dominates sovereign states, can be interpreted in the spirit of neoliberalism, in the context of which state functions at the local level are subject to revisions by international political and financial forces.A problematic issue is also the imposition of a model of a liberal state for transitional societies, which is difficult enough at the same time to synchronize economic, political and social reforms. At the same time, the desire of peacekeeping organizations to quickly ensure, and most importantly, to report on the outcome, can only hurt and discredit the idea of peace.The liberal peace has been criticized for unilateralism and top-down imposition, pattern and monotony, and the inability to deal with the structural causes of the conflict. In this context, the IKEA liberal peace is referred to as a standard set of measures that is shipped «in the box» to the recipient country. In this respect, the liberal peace also contradicts local peacekeeping practices and traditions, because it does not take into account the socio-cultural context of a society in which reconciliation and involvement of local agents can occur.Ukraine needs to take into account the nuances and experience of implementing the liberal peace in conflict resolution in the world. An optimal model for the success of peacekeeping activities is the combination of Western standards of peacekeeping with local practices to combat violence. Ukraine should emerge as an active and sovereign entity in resolving the confrontation in the Donbas. Facilitation within the community, identification and satisfaction of the needs and interests of the victims of the conflict, comprehensive and coherent information policies of the state should be implemented by the state relatively regardless of the capabilities and assistance of international donors in the context of national peace, which usually does not deny its liberal and civilizational components. ; Стаття розглядає «ліберальний мир» як концептуальний феномен останніх десятиріч. Аналізуються особливості й недоліки «ліберального миру» як миротворчої практики. Висвітлюються кейси втілення «ліберального миру» в процесі сучасних миротворчих місій. Ліберальний мир постає як утілення неоліберальних практик, що базуються на домінуванні глобальних фінансів, утілених у транснаціо нальних інститутах. Провал низки миротворчих місій наприкінці XX сторіччя зменшив ентузіазм щодо успіхів ліберальної моделі миру. Стає зрозумілим, що, крім функцій нейтральної сторони конфліктів, миротворчі сили можуть працювати із соціальними та інституціональними вимірами перехідних від конфлікту до миру суспільств. Складнощі впровадження ліберального миру спостерігалися в Боснії та Герцеговині. Розглядаються різновиди й моделі ліберального миру. Елементом ліберального миру є ліберальний консенсус, коли основні політичні та громадські сили мають одновекторне бачення динаміки до миру. Проблематичним питанням також є нав'язування моделі ліберальної держави для перехідних суспільств, яким досить складно водночас і синхронізовано проводити економічні, політичні та соціальні реформи. Виокремлюється стандартизованість ліберального миру для перехідних суспільств і робляться висновки щодо можливостей застосування в Україні. Україна має врахувати нюанси й досвід упровадження ліберального миру під час урегулювання конфліктів у світі. Оптимальною моделлю для успіху миротворчих заходів є поєднання західних стандартів миротворчості з міс- цевими практиками подолання насильства. На відміну від згаданих кейсів, міжнародній спільноті не потрібно сприяти відбудовувати спроможності Української держави «з нуля» в російсько-українському конфлікті. Україна має постати як активний і суверенний суб'єкт під час урегулювання протистояння на Донбасі. Фасилітація в межах громад, виявлення й задоволення потреб та інтересів жертв конфлікту, комплексна й послідовна інформаційна політика держави мають реалізовуватися державними інститутами відносно незалежно від можливостей і допомоги міжнародних донорів у контексті національного миру, що, звичайно, не заперечує його ліберальні й цивілізаційні складники.

The efforts of states to overcome conflicts in the world are marked by the formation of theoretical and practical approaches to solving the problems of peace. At the same time, Western countries' interventions in the social, political, and economic currents of the life of conflict societies often have mixed effects and have unforeseen consequences, and often become even a waste of resources.The purpose of the article is to identify the features of «liberal peace» as a concept and peacekeeping practice. An element of the liberal peace is the liberal consensus, when the main political and social forces have a one-vector vision of the dynamics towards peace. A similar approach, where the UN asa key international actor dominates sovereign states, can be interpreted in the spirit of neoliberalism, in the context of which state functions at the local level are subject to revisions by international political and financial forces.A problematic issue is also the imposition of a model of a liberal state for transitional societies, which is difficult enough at the same time to synchronize economic, political and social reforms. At the same time, the desire of peacekeeping organizations to quickly ensure, and most importantly, to report on the outcome, can only hurt and discredit the idea of peace.The liberal peace has been criticized for unilateralism and top-down imposition, pattern and monotony, and the inability to deal with the structural causes of the conflict. In this context, the IKEA liberal peace is referred to as a standard set of measures that is shipped «in the box» to the recipient country. In this respect, the liberal peace also contradicts local peacekeeping practices and traditions, because it does not take into account the socio-cultural context of a society in which reconciliation and involvement of local agents can occur.Ukraine needs to take into account the nuances and experience of implementing the liberal peace in conflict resolution in the world. An optimal model for the success of peacekeeping activities is the combination of Western standards of peacekeeping with local practices to combat violence. Ukraine should emerge as an active and sovereign entity in resolving the confrontation in the Donbas. Facilitation within the community, identification and satisfaction of the needs and interests of the victims of the conflict, comprehensive and coherent information policies of the state should be implemented by the state relatively regardless of the capabilities and assistance of international donors in the context of national peace, which usually does not deny its liberal and civilizational components. ; Стаття розглядає «ліберальний мир» як концептуальний феномен останніх десятиріч. Аналізуються особливості й недоліки «ліберального миру» як миротворчої практики. Висвітлюються кейси втілення «ліберального миру» в процесі сучасних миротворчих місій. Ліберальний мир постає як утілення неоліберальних практик, що базуються на домінуванні глобальних фінансів, утілених у транснаціо нальних інститутах. Провал низки миротворчих місій наприкінці XX сторіччя зменшив ентузіазм щодо успіхів ліберальної моделі миру. Стає зрозумілим, що, крім функцій нейтральної сторони конфліктів, миротворчі сили можуть працювати із соціальними та інституціональними вимірами перехідних від конфлікту до миру суспільств. Складнощі впровадження ліберального миру спостерігалися в Боснії та Герцеговині. Розглядаються різновиди й моделі ліберального миру. Елементом ліберального миру є ліберальний консенсус, коли основні політичні та громадські сили мають одновекторне бачення динаміки до миру. Проблематичним питанням також є нав'язування моделі ліберальної держави для перехідних суспільств, яким досить складно водночас і синхронізовано проводити економічні, політичні та соціальні реформи. Виокремлюється стандартизованість ліберального миру для перехідних суспільств і робляться висновки щодо можливостей застосування в Україні. Україна має врахувати нюанси й досвід упровадження ліберального миру під час урегулювання конфліктів у світі. Оптимальною моделлю для успіху миротворчих заходів є поєднання західних стандартів миротворчості з міс- цевими практиками подолання насильства. На відміну від згаданих кейсів, міжнародній спільноті не потрібно сприяти відбудовувати спроможності Української держави «з нуля» в російсько-українському конфлікті. Україна має постати як активний і суверенний суб'єкт під час урегулювання протистояння на Донбасі. Фасилітація в межах громад, виявлення й задоволення потреб та інтересів жертв конфлікту, комплексна й послідовна інформаційна політика держави мають реалізовуватися державними інститутами відносно незалежно від можливостей і допомоги міжнародних донорів у контексті національного миру, що, звичайно, не заперечує його ліберальні й цивілізаційні складники.

The author examines the peculiarities of the process of post-conflict reconciliation and peacebuilding in Rwanda, determines the role of international and local justice in the post-conflict reconciliation and punishment of perpetrators of mass genocide, identifies features of state policy to eliminate genocide and restore justice. Using historical, analytical and comparative methods, the author concludes that gachacha tribunals as a means of restorative justice have helped to restore trust and social harmony in Rwandan society, to regenerate its value and cultural matrix. The study found that in order to build positive peace, governance decisions and actions on the population in all spheres of public life contained a peacekeeping context, and the government worked to protect Rwandan society from a recurrence of future conflict. The findings found Rwandan's peace-building strategy to be effective because, following a large-scale genocide, a policy of national unity and reconciliation was pursued to build a united nation, restore peace and justice, good governance and economic development. ; Автор исследует особенности процесса постконфликтного примирения и развития мира в Руанде, определяет роль международных и местных органов правосудия в процессе постконфликтного примирения и наказания виновных в массовом геноциде, выявляет особенности государственной политики по ликвидации последствий геноцида и восстановления справедливости и определяются средства противодействия рецидиву конфликта в будущем. Применив исторические, аналитические и компаративные методы, автор делает вывод о том, что трибуналы крючья как средства восстановительного правосудия способствовали восстановлению доверия и социальной гармонии в руандийском обществе, регенерации его ценностно-культурной матрицы. В результате исследования определено, что ради развития позитивного мира управленческие решения и действия по населению во всех сферах общественной жизни содержали миротворческий контекст, а правительство приложило усилия по обезопасению руандийского общества от рецидива конфликта в будущем. В выводах выявлено, что руандийская стратегия развития мира считается эффективной, так как после масштабного геноцида была реализована политика национального единства и примирения для развития единой нации, восстановления мира и справедливости, эффективного управления и экономического развития. ; Автором досліджуються особливості процесу постконфліктного примирення і розбудови миру в Руанді, визначається роль міжнародних і місцевих органів правосуддя в процесі постконфліктного примирення і покарання винних у масовому геноциді, виявляється особливості державної політики щодо ліквідації наслідків геноциду і відновлення справедливості та окреслюються засоби протидії рецидиву конфлікту в майбутньому. Застосувавши історичні, аналітичні і компаративні методи, автор робить висновок про те, що трибунали гачача як засоби відновного правосуддя сприяли відновленню довіри та соціальній гармонії у руандійському суспільстві, регенерації його ціннісно-культурної матриці. У результаті дослідження визначено, що заради розбудови позитивного миру управлінські рішення та дії щодо населення в усіх сферах суспільного життя містили миротворчий контекст, а уряд доклав зусиль щодо убезпечення руандійського суспільства від рецидиву конфлікту у майбутньому. У висновках виявлено, що руандійська стратегія розбудови миру вважається ефективною, тому що після масштабного геноциду було реалізовано політику національної єдності та примирення задля розбудови єдиної нації, відновлення миру та справедливості, ефективного управління та економічного розвитку.

The main objective of the study is to analyse the Poland's position towards the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the annexation of Crimea and the regulation of the situation in Donbas. Concerning methodology the systematic method was used for studying of the Polish politicians' perception of the occupation of Donbas and annexation of Crimea and a comparative analysis was used for studying of the positions of European and Polish leaders towards the Poland's hypothetical participation in the Normandy format or other format for resolving the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The Poland's official position on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict 2014-2020 has been analysed. It has been proved that for Poland Ukraine is a zone of special interests. Official Warsaw seeks to play a significant role in resolving the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, because the failure of Ukraine will mean for Poland the deterioration of its own security situation. Currently, the Polish border with Ukraine is the EU's and NATO's border, so it would be optimal for Poland to move the borders of these organizations in the future to the East of Ukraine, so Poland strongly defends Ukraine's European and Euro-Atlantic ambitions. It was concluded that Polish politicians have an understanding that turning the conflict in the Donbas into a frozen one will mean the presence of a permanent explosive situation. It is recommended that the clear signals to the official Warsaw from the official Kyiv about the interest in the practical implementation of the Polish-Ukrainian strategic partnership would be important and farsighted. It is highlighted that the implementation of Polish strategy on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict depends on the strategies of the main players of the European strategic space. The Polish position is perceived as pro-American by French and German authorities, so the official Paris and Bonn avoid involving Poland in the negotiations on the situation in the Donbas. However, Poland alone is not capable of influencing the regulation of the ...

Політична стабільність, як об'єкт політологічного дослідження є багатоаспектною проблемою. Оскільки у науковій сфері не склалося однозначного трактування взаємозв'язку між конфліктами та стабільністю, однією із важливих сторін дослідження даної проблеми є визначення ролі конфліктів у сучасному суспільстві, а також дослідити їхній вплив на формування політичної стабільності. Важливість дослідження проблеми у такому ракурсі посилюється тим, що він вказує шлях подолання одностороннього, позитивно-негативного ставлення до конфлікту, і надає можливість більш широкого, багатовимірного розуміння його ролі в суспільних відносинах, оскільки парадигма конфліктології дозволяє нам дослідити проблему формування політичної стабільності у протилежній площині.В ході дослідження виявлено, що конфлікти знижують напругу, сприяючи при цьому стабілізації та інтеграції внутрішньогрупових відносин, надаючи учасникам конфлікту безпосередню можливість вираження суперечливих вимог; запобігають стагнації, стимулюють інтерес і цікавість, виступаючи в ролі медіатора, за допомогою якого артикулюються проблеми, знаходяться їхні вирішення; служать основою соціальних змін; чітко розділяє різні групи і цим сприяють встановленню групової та персональної ідентифікації. ; Political stability, political science as an object of study is a multidimensional problem. Since the area of science has not developed a clear interpretation of the relationship between conflict and stability, one of the important aspects of the study of this problem is to determine the role of conflict in modern society, and to investigate their influence on the formation of political stability. The importance of research problem sin this perspective is enhanced by the fact that it points the way to overcome the one-sided, positive- negative attitude towards the conflict, and provides a broader, multi-dimensional understanding of its role in public relations, as the paradigm of conflict resolution allows us to investigate the formation of political stability in the opposite plane.Today one of the most fruitful ways to develop such a theory of political stability, which is so necessary to society, is its consideration as a special case of a state political process, due to its other state in the first place - conflict. This path involves identifying their relationships, and identity matches their inherent features, analysis of the role that belongs to the political conflict and its impact on political stability.The study found that conflicts reduce stress, thus contributing to the stabilization and integration of intragroup relations , giving participants the opportunity of expressing direct conflict conflicting requirements, prevent stagnation , stimulate interest and curiosity , acting as a mediator by which articulate problems, their solutions are , are the basis for social change , clearly separates the different groups to allow for the establishment of group and personal identity; addition, decentralized groups and free society, conflict, aimed at resolving tensions between adversaries, often plays a stabilizing and integrative role. Allowing crisp and clear expression of contrary claims, these social systems are able to improve their structure by eliminating sources of conflict. Multiple conflicts that they (the system) feel help them get rid of the sources of antagonism and achieve internal cohesion. These systems provide for themselves through the institutionalization of conflict, an important stabilizing mechanism. In addition to this intragroup conflict often breathes new life into existing standards or new causes.It is important to note that political stability and political conflict is not definitely opposed to each other, nor are they in a dialectical «cross assignation» and «cross negation.» In essence, being a manifestation of social needs and interests , reflecting the changing balance of forces participants of public relations and political conflict and political stability perform another very important function - providing theoretical possibility of building a sort of « scales « of conflict and stability. But it should be emphasized again: they are two different, though interconnected dimensions rather than characteristics that exclude or include each other. Availability and defined in a way a variable dimension , size and intensity of one of them does not mean the absence or corresponding increase / decrease in the other. ; Политическая стабильность, как объект политологического исследования является многоаспектной проблемой. Поскольку в научной сфере не сложилось однозначной трактовки взаимосвязи между конфликтами и стабильностью, одной из важных сторон исследования данной проблемы является определение роли конфликтов в современном обществе, а также исследовать их влияние на формирование политической стабильности. Важность исследованияпроблемы в таком ракурсе усугубляется тем, что он указывает путь к преодолению одностороннего, позитивно- негативного отношения к конфликту и предоставляет возможность более широкого, многомерного понимания его роли в общественных отношениях, поскольку парадигма конфликтологии позволяет нам исследовать проблему формирования политической стабильности в противоположной плоскости .В ходе исследования выявлено, что конфликты снижают напряжение, способствуя при этом стабилизации и интеграции внутригрупповых отношений, предоставляя участникам конфликта непосредственную возможность выражения противоречивых требований; предотвращают стагнации, стимулируют интерес и любопытство, выступая в роли медиатора, с помощью которого артикулируются проблемы и находятся их решения; служат основой социальных изменений; четко разделяет различные группы и этим способствуют установлению групповой и персональной идентификации.

У статті досліджений етимологічний зміст понять «воєнний» та «військовий». Проаналізований зміст таких понять як «воєнний конфлікт», «збройний конфлікт» та «війна». Також автором визначені відмінні та спільні ознаки цих понять. Встановлений зв'язок між поняттями «воєнний конфлікт», «збройний конфлікт» та «війна» за допомогою категорій загального, особливого та одиничного. ; The article examines the etymological content of the concepts of «military» (voyennyy) and «military» (viys'kovyy). It is established that the concept of «military» (viys'kovyy) refers to the army or relates to a ser- viceman. The concept of «military» (voyennyy) refers to the war, associated with it. Consequently, the author established that in relation to the conflict, the use of the concept of «military conflict» (voyennyy) is appropriate.In the Military Doctrine of Ukraine military conflict is defined as «the form of resolving interstate or national conflicts with the bilateral application of military force; the main types of military conflicts are war and armed conflict».In the Military Doctrine of Ukraine armed conflict is defined as «armed collision between states (inter- national armed conflict, armed conflict at the state border) or between the warring parties in the territory of one state, usually with support from the outside (internal armed conflict)». Consequently, armed conflict is a conflict of any level, the main feature of which is the use of weapons.The war means a socio-political phenomenon associated with the radical change in the nature of relations between states, folks, nations, classes and social groups opposing sides and the transition from the use of non-violent forms and methods of struggle to the direct use of weapons and other violent means to solve certain social political, economic, ideological, as well as national, religious, territorial and other contradictions.Thus, the author singled out common and distinctive features of the concepts of «military conflict», «armed conflict» and «war». Consequently, the common in these concepts are the subjects of interaction, namely, the states or conflicting parties in the middle of one state and the presence of the use of weapons. Demarcation of these concepts may be carried out according to the criterion of the motives of occurrence. That is, political motives that are necessary for the emergence of a military conflict and war are not neces- sary for the emergence of an armed conflict. Such a criterion is central to the demarcation of the «military conflict» and «war» from the «armed conflict».The distinctive features of «war» from «armed conflict» and «military conflict» is the formal act of its announcement; the rupture of diplomatic relations and the cancellation of bilateral agreements between thewarring parties; the introduction of a special legal regime; qualitative change in the state of society.The author suggests the connection between these concepts with general, special and individual categories. Where is the notion of «military conflict», which is generic in relation to «war» and «armed conflict». In turn, the «armed conflict» is special, and the concept of «war» is individual category.

The article provides a comparative review of the history, current status and areas of scientific activity of the Sociological Association of Ukraine (SAU), its creative ties with the European and world sociological community, in particular, joint research with Polish scientists. It emphasizes that most of the Ukrainian sociologists SAU members work in universities, the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and public opinion research centers. Numerous sociological (theoretical and empirical) studies on various issues of vital activity of modern Ukrainian society are carried out by their efforts. It is noted that in addition to studying the issues of social transformation in its political, economic, legal, social and cultural aspects, that have become traditional for Ukrainian sociology, in recent years Ukrainian sociologists have turned to the analysis of such problems as external and internal migration (the problem of internally displaced persons); military conflict in the east of Ukraine and the volunteer movement; social inequality, including in its new manifestations, including those caused by the digitalization of public life. It is emphasized that today the most pressing issue of sociological reflection is the changes that occur in Ukraine after the last presidential election. Attention is focused on the fact that the victory of the political rookie in these elections was due to the huge social disappointments of the Ukrainians, since their expectations provoked by the Revolution of Dignity were not fulfilled. The first and most important disappointment, according to sociological studies, is the fact that peace has not reigned in the country. Second, the living standards of Ukrainian citizens have not improved. Third, the fight against corruption did not bring significant results. Fourth, social inequality deepened: the rich became richer, and the poor became poorer. The fifth disappointment is the inefficiency of the declared reforms: judicial, medical, educational, customs, electoral, etc. It is emphasized that the effectiveness of the new government depends, among other things, on its consideration of such features of the mass consciousness of the Ukrainian population as a critical level of distrust of all institutions of power; value and ideological ambivalence and uncertainty. The conclusions are formulated about the unlikeliness of return of Ukraine to the orbit of Russian political and economic influence, as well as the victory of radical nationalist ideology in our country.

The author examines the features of the processes of de-occupation, reintegration and peace-building that took place in Croatia in the late 1990s and analyzes the possibilities of implementing the Croatian experience in Ukraine. The aim of the study is to clarify the specifics of the Croatian peace building strategy, its features and effectiveness factors and to determine the possibilities of applying the Croatian model of peace-building and its individual elements in the process of reintegration of the currently occupied Ukrainian territories. Applying historical, analytical and comparative methods, the author concludes that not all means of de-occupation and reintegration of territories that have been successful in the Croatian case can be as effective in modern Ukrainian realities. The study found that the main factor in the effectiveness of the Croatian model of peace-building was the presence of public consensus on the priority of the integrity of the state and the means to restore sovereignty over its entire territory. The conclusions revealed that the effective development of peace in the occupied and reintegrated territories involves the spread of Ukrainian cultural and value dominants, the Ukrainianization of information and cultural space and the educational system.

The article considers the study of the peculiarities of greed as a factor in family and organizational conflicts, conducted an empirical study and presents the results of an empirical study on the manifestation of greed as a factor in family and organizational conflicts. The links between greed and indicators that reflect family and organizational conflicts have been identified and a conceptual model has been developed that reflects the content of the phenomenon under study. A proven greed reduction training has been developed that has been shown to be effective. Greed as a factor of conflict is manifested from and as resources to solve the problem, and as the destruction of relationships in the team, in families. The basis of dynamic changes in society is conflict. One of the psychological causes of destructive conflict in organizations and families is greed. Greed has an impact on all spheres of human life, because it is an individual property, has specific characteristics of its manifestation, which are not always well related to the social environment and other people in general, greed will inevitably manifest itself in interaction with others, which can lead to various conflicts. The results of the study and the identified trends of greed in family and organizational conflicts confirm the need to update actions aimed at creating theoretical concepts, conceptual model of greed as a factor in conflict in different environments, development of specialized training, developmental training, corrective programs and measures to reduce greed as factor of family and organizational conflicts.

The article is devoted to examining the administrative, legal and practical issues of Ukraine's participation in UN international peacekeeping operations. It is established that Ukraine, as the founding state of the UN, began to participate in peacekeeping operations only after the proclamation of independence in 1992. The author notes that the history of the formation in Ukraine of the administrative and legal basis of peacekeeping activities begins on July 3, 1992 with the adoption by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of Resolution no. 2538-XII "On the participation of the battalions of the armed forces of Ukraine in the UN peacekeeping operation in the conflict zones on the territory of the former Yugoslavia". It is also noted that Ukrainian contingents have been involved in UN peacekeeping operations. It is noteworthy that today Ukraine itself needs assistance in resolving the conflict in the east of the country through international peacekeeping measures in connection with a violation of its territorial integrity by a permanent member state of the UN Security Council.

Identifying the prospects of reconciliation at various stages of the violent conflict is a matter of urgent concern, since during the conflict the foundations of a post-conflict settlement are laid down, the effectiveness of reconciliation and the possibility of building peace in the future depend on. The purpose of the work is to study the peculiarities of interaction between the parties during the deep interstate conflict and between the parties during the civil conflict within the state. Applying systematic, analytical and comparative methods, the author characterizes political reconciliation as a long-term social and inclusive process, which is designed to transform the unhappy co-existence of the parties to the conflict into a common political participation in public institutions and political processes through the gradual education of respect for both new institutions and former enemies. The four components of reconciliation – peace, justice, truth and forgiveness – must be interconnected in this process. As a result of the study, the author determines the obligatory elements of the interaction between the parties during and after the violent conflict, socio-psychological means of perception and interpretation of the past and future, the development of positive relations and reformatting them cultural and value paradigm, as well as the transformation of socio-economic reality. The conclusions revealed that the ideal model or perfect method of reconciliation after a violent conflict does not exist, therefore, in each particular case, the particularities of reconciliation vary, depending on the ability of the parties to creatively and effectively approach the process of reconciliation, from their ability to assume consistently the loss, cruelty and pain of the past for the sake of prospects for a common future. At the same time, the author comes to the conclusion that the prospects of reconciliation during and after the end of the violent conflict are determined by the practical manifestation of cooperation ...